Since its inception 18 months ago, the National Security Council (NSC) has remained a non-starter, with the most crucial decisions being taken in corps commanders meetings.  This situation is likely to change with its latest reconstitution.

            According to Chief Executive Order No. 5, issued on July 4, 2001, the president will be the chairman of the council, which will comprise the chief executive, chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, the three services chiefs, provincial governors and “such other members” as may be appointed by the president in his discretion.

            The council members would hold office during the “pleasure of the president” and its meeting could be called at any place deemed fit by the president.

            According to the order, the decision of the president, after taking into consideration the deliberations of the council, “shall be enforced and given effect in a manner as deemed fit by the president.”

            The NSC, in its present shape, is very different from that which was originally conceived.  Currently, General Musharraf holds at least three positions in the council – that of chief executive, army chief and chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee.

            On October 17, 1999 soon after taking over the reins of government, General Musharraf in his address to the nation acquainted it with the main component of his future government: “There will be a National Security Council headed by the chief executive with six members,” he said.  “These members will be the chief of naval staff, the chief of air staff, a specialist each in law, finance, foreign policy and national affairs.  A think-tank of experts shall be formed as an adjunct to the NSC to provide institutionalised advice and input.”

            The power to be wielded by the proposed NSC was left in no doubt with the description of the cabinet as, “a cabinet of ministers who will work under the guidance of the NSC.”

            Soon after, the National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB) and advisory committees comprising independent experts were established to guide the ministries of finance, foreign affairs, agriculture, environment etc.

            As it turned out, the advisory committees have failed to get off the ground, while the NRB has become more or less independent, with its decisions being placed before the federal cabinet for approval.

            In the meantime, the NSC has been struggling to find its institutionalised place between the federal cabinet and corps commanders’ meetings.  So far, it seems no one is taking the slightest notice of its existence.

            Most important decisions, such as directing the Supreme Court judges to take a fresh oath under the PCO, Nawaz Sharif’s pardon and subsequent exile, and General Musharraf’s taking over as president, were taken at the corps commanders’ meetings.  The federal cabinet did not have any role to play in these matters and remained restricted to looking after the mundane affairs of the government.

            In August last year, General Musharraf reconstituted the NSC, trimming its strength to seven and expanding his cabinet to 16 by inducting four more ministers.

            The NSC then formed comprised, besides the chief executive, the chiefs of the navy and air staff, the foreign minister, interior minister, finance minister and commerce minister.

     Dr. Attiya Inayatullah and Dr. Mehmood A. Ghazi, former NSC members, were transferred to the federal cabinet and Mohammad Shafi Niaz, Sharifuddin Pirzada and Imtiaz Sahibzada were appointed as advisors to the chief executive.

     The latest reconstitution of the NSC has provoked comments that the council has become entirely subordinate to the president.  According to paragraph 10 of the order, “the president in exercise of his powers, performance of his functions and discharge of his duties under this order shall act in his discretion.”

     According to political analysts, the NSC’s formidable power will become apparent in the future political set-up when some of the political functions exercised at present by the corps commanders will be transferred back to the federal cabinet.  The NSC would then play the role of watchdog over the cabinet, thereby ensuring that General Musharraf’s policies are not thwarted.

       Moreover, assert the analysts, the power of the NSC to dismiss future prime ministers is virtually in the hands of General Musharraf himself.