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The
softly spoken young man walks up to me in the restaurant we had
arranged to meet at. He is accompanied by my 'contact,' a member
of a political party that was outlawed by President Pervez Musharraf
three years ago. The stranger is wearing a crisp white shalwar kameez.
I have no idea of his name, but we decide on a pseudonym: Hafeezullah.
He apologises for being late, with a sarcastic smile. "Since
I'm wanted by the police in many cases of terrorism and also have
a legion of enemies in the underworld, I keep my timings flexible
so that I can be sure no one is lying in wait for me."
The man sitting opposite me doesn't look violent, but he
is certainly capable of violence. Aside from being involved in assorted
criminal activity, Hafeezullah, an activist of the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi,
one of many extremist religious groups in Pakistan, is one of the
accused in a case rated among the country's worst incidents of sectarian
terrorism - the 1998 massacre of 16 people in a Shia mosque in Muzaffargarh.
While he doesn't admit guilt, he doesn't deny complicity either.
And he has little sympathy for the victims. "Don't term them
innocents, they were enemies of Islam," he contends. "And
anybody who is an enemy of my religion deserves to be killed."
Apart
from the Muzaffargarh killings, Hafeezullah is also wanted by the
authorities in dozens of other murder cases, and the government
has announced a one million rupee award for information leading
to his arrest. Hafeezullah cannot recall the exact number of shootouts
he has been involved in, but with chilling precision he recounts
the number of people he has murdered in cold blood: 21 to date.
He is not troubled by any pangs of conscience. "Once you are
in, you are in, and there is nothing to repent. Killing is in my
blood now," he says nonchalantly.
Equipped with pagers and mobile phones, armed with heavy
machine guns and automatic pistols, and supported by a well-entrenched
party network, a new generation of militants has come of age and
is ruthlessly pursuing its real and perceived enemies within and
outside Pakistan. Hundreds are wanted for myriad crimes - from murder
to kidnapping to house robbery, to acts of terrorism.
Many militants, like Hafeezullah, start their journey in
one of the country's thousands of religious seminaries, and in the
past 20 years have found enough 'holy' causes to expend their religious
zeal on. They have joined 'Islamic crusades' in Afghanistan, Chechnya
and Kashmir. Many have perished, but those who have survived the
jihads have returned home to families and a country that doesn't
want to know them. Hence, a myriad other nebulous jihads have claimed
these prodigal sons, who know no other way of life, virtually having
been raised by the gun.
Hafeezullah's journey began when, as a five-year-old in 1981,
his impoverished parents sent him as a boarder to a madrassah for
religious education in his home town, Muzaffargarh, in southern
Punjab. As he grew older, he started attending religious lectures,
learnt first-hand about jihad as he saw his senior colleagues leave
for Afghanistan to fight the Soviet occupation, and finally joined
a militant religious outfit - the extremist Sunni Sipah-e-Sahaba,
Pakistan (SSP) - himself.
Soon
thereafter, Hafeezullah was asked to go across the border for combat
training. Completely indoctrinated, he readily agreed, "That
was the final nail in the coffin. When I returned to Pakistan after
the training I was an altogether changed person," he says.
However, he claims he became far stronger psychologically as a result
of the Afghan experience. "When I was leaving for that totally
alien land, I was scared. But after undergoing so much training,
by the time I completed my course I had became so strong within
that I used to feel I could single-handedly defeat an entire battalion
of enemies."
During
the three-month course in Afghanistan, Hafeezullah was taught how
to assemble and dismantle a variety of weapons and how to maintain
ammunition. He also learnt the mechanics of detonating bombs and
'operations planning' - a veritable step-by-step guide for conducting
terrorist activities. His journey from idealistic student to hardened
warrior was almost complete. "Subsequent to the training, I
came home, but soon thereafter returned to Afghanistan and fought
for two years. However, by then the focus of my organisation had
changed - and so had the enemy. After the withdrawal of the Soviets
from Afghanistan in 1990, the new nemesis was the enemies of Islam
within the country," he says. And according to his party high
command, these were the Shia "infidels." When he moved
back to Pakistan, he and his militant brothers brought the war against
the Shias back with them.
"I
participated in a couple of operations involving the killing of
Shias, and committed numerous robberies in various parts of the
country," says Hafeezullah casually. Robbery helped fund operations
for his party. In 1994 the SSP split into two factions and the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi,
an even more extreme group, was born. Hafeezullah gravitated towards
this group, which since its creation has been responsible for scores
of murders, including that of 90 doctors. The Pakistan government
banned the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi three years ago because of its involvement
in organised crime.
Of operational strategy Hafeezullah reveals that whenever
his group decides to conduct an operation, they split up to avoid
detection by intelligence agencies. "When we go for a target,
there is a frontline - comprising the hit men - and a second front
that provides support. While the second line does reconnaissance,
the actual assassins remain invisible," he says.
After
he began to feature on the government's wanted list, Hafeezullah
moved to Afghanistan once again, where he became a teacher, imparting
gun-training to new recruits. But since the fall of the Taliban
government two years ago, he has once again been on the run, never
staying in one place long, moving back and forth across the border
and from one city to the next. "I'm too deeply entrenched now.
There is no way I could resume a normal life," he says. What
make this easier is the fact that he doesn't have to worry about
his family's well-being: his parents receive generous cash handouts
from his party. According to Hafeezullah, they get up to 10 thousand
rupees a month, with extra cash for medical care. As for the future,
Hafeezullah shrugs. "If you live by the gun, you can die by
it too. If that is ordained, so be it."
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