Hamid Karzai’s nomination
as head of Afghanistan’s new interim administration came as a consolation to
the country’s Pashtun majority, who had feared total domination by minority
ethnic groups in the post-Taliban political setup in Kabul. Many Afghans, however, are sceptical of the
ability of this westernised tribesman from the Taliban heartland of Kandahar to
muster the support of other powerful tribes, particularly in eastern Afghanistan.
A former deputy foreign minister, Mr. Karzai is seen by
many as a political “lightweight,” whose leadership capacity remains
untested. With no strong political base
of his own, he is likely to be overshadowed by the more powerful Northern Alliance
ministers. Karzai does not wield any
influence beyond his own tribe in Kandahar and is completely unknown in
northern and western Afghanistan, which is populated by the minority Tajiks,
Uzbeks and Hazaras. It is clear that he
was chosen as a token Pashtun head of the new government, while the real power
will lie with those leaders who already control the administration in Kabul.
Karzai is, however, a less controversial figure than any
other Pashtun leader because he was never involved in the Afghan factional
battle. An ardent supporter of the
former Afghan king, Zahir Shah, Karzai’s success will depend on how he deals
with powerful regional leaders like General Abdul Rashid Dostum, the Uzbek
warlord who controls Mazar-i-Sharif and other north-western provinces, and
Ismail Khan, the governor of the western Herat province. Both Dostum and Ismail Khan are currently
busy consolidating their positions in their respective strongholds, but a
conflict is likely to emerge if the new central government tries to assert its
authority. Similarly, the Iranian-backed
Shia Hizbe- Wahadat, which controls the central Bamiyan province, will not be
comfortable with the western-backed administration in Kabul.
Karzai, the 44-year-old chief of the Popalzai tribe, a branch of Afghanistan’s
most powerful Durrani Pashtun tribe, shot to prominence on the Afghan political
scene last month when he went inside Afghanistan’s southern Uruzgan province to
lead an armed tribal uprising against the Taliban regime. Karzai, who was educated abroad and has
lived in the United States, became the deputy foreign minister in the first
post-Communist mujahideen government, headed by Sibghatullah Mujaddedi in
1992. He stayed on in Burhanuddin
Rabbani’s government until he was forced to quit in 1994 because of factional
fighting.
During his brief stint in government, Karzai had little
to show for his leadership capability.
According to reports, he had to bring in armed tribesmen from his home
province of Kandahar to ensure his own security as the fighting among the
coalition partners plunged the country into a long civil war that killed more
than 50,000 people. He did not even
have transport available to take him out of Kabul when he left Rabbani’s
cabinet and was rescued by a UN vehicle.
Though the highly disillusioned Karzai intitially
supported the Taliban, his flirtation was short-lived and he parted ways with
the harsh Islamic militia, accusing them of
being manipulated by
neighbouring Pakistan. Karzai then
disappeared into oblivion for many years before resurfacing on the scene again
following the US-led military strikes on Afghanistan. A fierce Afghan nationalist, Karzai has vehemently opposed the
meddling of neighbouring countries in Afghanistan’s tumultuous political scene. He has specifically been critical of
Pakistan, with whom he has had an ambivalent relationship. While Pakistan allowed Karzai to maintain
his headquarters in Balochistan, the two often clashed over Pakistan’s support
for the Taliban regime.
The Bonn Agreement’s choice of Karzai as head of the interim
administration is supported by Pakistan which had been
demanding a larger share for the Pashtuns in the post-Taliban
government. It is, however, not clear whether the Pashtun
warlords, who now control various provinces in eastern
Afghanistan, will support the political setup which is
largely dominated by the Northern Alliance.
The Pashtun tribal division may also create problems
for the new Afghan leader. While Karzai belongs to the southern Durrani tribe, eastern Afghanistan
is largely dominated by its traditional rival, the Ghilzai
tribe. It is highly
unlikely that Karzai will be successful in rallying the
support of the eastern tribal chiefs.
The appointment of Hedayat Amin Arsala, a Pashtun
from eastern Afghanistan, however, may help in winning
the support of the eastern tribes.
A royalist, Mr. Arsala has worked for more than
18 years with the World Bank.
He was the special emissary of King Zahir Shah,
and his tribe wields formidable influence in Pashtun areas.