The Supreme
Court orders the release of Asif Zardar on bail after
an eight-year prison term; Musharraf condoles with the
Sharif brothers on the death of their father; Raza Rabbani's
name is cleared as leader of the opposition in the Senate.
Has the government finally seen the light? Is a grand
reconciliation in the offing? Are elections on the cards
in 2005? Is Musharraf finally doffing his uniform?
The air is rife with rumours
of pressure from the
Americans
of a deal with BB
of the government's
own domestic compulsions
of the establishment's
plan to divide and rule.
The
truth lies somewhere in between, but the government
is holding its cards close to its medalled chest, unwilling
to say anything beyond what its spin doctors stated
at the outset: it's part of the grand reconciliation
design. The question is, reconciliation with whom -
simply BB, or are the Sharifs included in the loop?
Moreover,
how will Musharraf's current partners - the PML(Q),
the PPP Patriots, the MMA and the MQM - reconcile to
this reconciliation process that could strike at the
roots of their power. Were the Chaudhries even taken
into confidence about the establishment's game-plan?
If there were a threat of their power base being eroded,
the Chaudhries of Gujrat would think nothing of ganging
up with the MMA to counter any PPP moves to poach on
their territory. The PML has more in common with the
MMA, ideologically speaking, than any other party. For
that matter, General Musharraf too had no problem sidelining
mainstream political parties and working with the MMA
till the war on terrorism came along and upset the apple
cart. The army had to take a 360-degree turn and drop
the jihadi brigade.
The
MMA no longer fits into the General's current framework
of 'enlightened moderation' and his mantra of peace
with India. A liberal party like the PPP would be more
in tune with his notion of a progressive Pakistan. Moreover,
Musharraf is probably beginning to realise that the
model that he had crafted with so many unholy alliances
and amendments is coming apart at the seams and drastically
needs some emergency surgery. The General may be willing
to play ball now, but how far is the PPP willing to
go with the army to get back into the corridors of power?
Will it agree to a President in-uniform? Would it be
willing to allow the National Security Council, headed
by the President, to remain in place?
Interesting and difficult days lie ahead as
the political puzzle winds itself into a double pretzel
