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Q: What is the significance of your current
trip to Pakistan as King Abdullah’s official emissary?
A: It is basically to show our solidarity with
Pakistan and to promote Muslim centrism.
I met with religious leaders in Islamabad and I expressed my deep
concern over two issues: the need to establish a dialogue between the Ahle
Sunnah Jamaat and the Ahle Bai’t. I
feel that unless and until a dialogue is established, it is clear that a
plethora of fatwas will emerge in different parts of the Muslim world. Secondly, we always talk about the Muslim
and the “other” and the Arab and the “other.”
What about the Muslim and the other Muslim? The Arab and the other Arab?
At
a time when we see a deepening in tensions between Arab Muslims and non-Arab
Muslims, particularly since the Iraq-Iran war and tensions between countries in
west Asia and the Middle East, I think it is obvious that we are being
fragmented into sectarian and ethnic divisions. And this will be exploited into a cantonisation of this
region. The state itself is unravelling
from within. It was for these concerns
and to be briefed on the current crisis in Afghanistan and the situation in the
subcontinent that I met General Musharraf.
Q: Does this mean
that you are now resuming your political role in Jordan after a break of three
years?
A: In terms of the trust and confidence that
exists between the King and his uncle, that is a family issue and I will
continue to develop that relationship whenever and wherever I can. I don’t offer advice gratuitously. But it seems very clear, particularly since
September 11, that unless we develop a Hashemite rationale and a contribution
to Muslim causes, we are not living up to our duty. I made it very clear that I am happy to pursue a role that I have
already developed due to my international network of friends over the past
three years. I am working towards
forming a “Parliament of Cultures,” a centric Muslim platform, which has led to
defending Muslim issues like Islamophobia and now Arabphobia. I think we have to think of pan-Islam again.
Q: There seems to
be very little unity in the Muslim world.
Some Middle Eastern states are perceived as puppets of America, while
organisations like the OIC have proved to be largely ineffective, particularly
in conflict situations.
A: There are 56 disparate countries in an
organisation that was formed because of the burning of the Al-Aqsa mosque. But as with all reactions, unless they then
focus… there was no concept of cooperation between 56 countries except in cases
of crisis management. And even that we
haven’t succeeded in doing. It’s
perfectly obvious that the crises of countries from Morocco to Indonesia need
detailed regional attention. We need to
think globally and act locally. So far
we have not been able to act locally or even regionally.
The European troika represents three European
countries on a six monthly cycle. At
the last meeting of the Arab League three weeks ago, we recommended that they
should consider regional representation.
We have the Arab Mashriq and the Arab Maghreb as well as the Gulf
countries and I think that if we look back to the days of the CENTO pact… we
have the unthinkable situation today of Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, Iraq, Jordan
working together. The accusation used to be that such alliances are western
leaning. Today, ironically if you are not western leaning you are a
terrorist. So we have to revisit, on
our own terms, the concept of ECOSOC (UN Economic and Social Council). The Security Council, according to the
recommendations of the UN task force, may soon be reorganised into three
councils: political, social and economic.
At that point to address the Security Council bilaterally ceases to make
sense.
Regional
organisations are supposed to represent extra-territorial fields. Today one of the main themes being proposed
is energy and water. Water will become
a commodity on the World Trade Organisation so for neighbouring countries to
claim they have regional or historic rights make no sense. We have to focus on anthro-politics rather
than petro-politics, empowering the poor and dispossessed, human suffering and
dignity; these are the issues that the OIC should be addressing.
Q: How long do you
see the concept of the monarchy surviving, given the fact that the gap between
the rulers and their people is widening?
Osama bin Laden is a classic example of disillusionment with the system
of monarchy.
A: We have seen the self-perpetuation of
republics, from father to son, in the case of Syria; the continuation of
Islamic republics in the context of Iran.
As far as the monarchies in the region are concerned, particularly in
the context of the current Palestinian crisis, the future of Iraq and the fact
that the Islamist organisations seem to be upholding the pattern of the
streets… the Islamists represent the grey economy and sadly many of their
organisations are not above using sources of funds, that to me, are
dubious. In that context, the very
legitimacy, not only of the monarchy, but even the system of state, is being
tested. I think this is the time, not
just for monarchies but also for governance in the region to evolve and regain
the streets.
Over
and above this you have today the securitisation of Islam, which means that the
penetration of any grass roots initiatives is almost impossible. We are told by the west that we have no
tradition of civil society, but actually the foundation of Zakat and other
institutions should be allowed to develop transparently and work towards
poverty alleviation. I have raised the
question of Zakat at many Muslim forums.
There is a lack of Muslim altruism, whether it involves a monarchy or a
republic or any authoritarian rule. We
have to make that shift from patronage to caring.
I
had hoped that our monarchies would evolve to the British and Scandinavian
models where all institutions are working and I think it can be done providing
the will exists. The basic requirement for a settled society is a state. Only
the participation of people in building their institutions will move us Muslims
from a culture of existing to a culture of involvement in real issues.
Q:
There has been a deafening silence from the Muslim Ummah as the
Americans target “Islamic terrorists” both at home and abroad. It is the Muslims and the Arabs at the
receiving end. But there has been no
reaction from the Muslim Ummah. Does it even exist today?
A: Well this question was asked publicly both in
the Arab League and at the OIC. I think
there has been a deliberate attempt, not least of all by the president of Syria
to emphasise that resistance to occupation and jihad in the context of fighting
an oppressive force, is an issue of deep concern to the Arabs.
When
you say Ummah, I get the impression that you are asking why your enthusiasm for
Kashmir is not equivalent to our enthusiasm for Arab causes in Palestine. We have to realise that the agendas of
sub-conflicts in our respective regions are now increasingly being governed by
our relations with the superpowers. We
are unfortunately moving towards a cantonisation, a Balkanisation of the Muslim
states. Plurality is unfortunately not
part of the lexicon of Arab nationalism.
This is something I feel very strongly about. I do not believe in Arab nationalism that does not recognise
plurality, I believe in Arabism.
I
think we are walking on the one side into a situation where it is convenient to
penetrate the Muslims by using the schisms that are being created by our own
acts. We seem to be entering into a new
polarity, which has more to do with bringing down the established order. The extremists are calling for the
destruction of all existing rulers and then developing a new caliph. But if that caliph is going to be cut from
the same mould, does this mean that we will have more freedom and
equality? Meanwhile those Arabs and
Muslims living in the west ask why they cannot assume their rightful place in
those societies. They ask us: whilst that you import billions of dollars of
consumer goods from the west, why are you not promoting think tanks, chairs for
studies, developing education etc?
The
Muslim has to cease both victimising and being a victim. If there is to be enlightenment there has to
be a contribution from Muslims all over the world.
Q:
Why has the Muslim Ummah not played a more pro-active role even in their
own areas of conflict?
A: Because
rulers are more concerned with holding onto their chairs. Essentially the whole
Islamic discourse has not been focussed in a legitimate manner… let me be
blunt… Mecca is a place for religion
and prayer but it also is, and should be, a place for consultation. It is very important to revisit “the
absolute fatwa.” This is not possible
without a conversation between the four schools of Ahle Sunnah and the other
schools. There is a bankruptcy of ideas
and a will to change.
Q: Palestine
is going through its most severe crisis and Arafat
has never been as isolated.
What are the implications for peace in the
region?
A: We have focussed
for so long on the question of Jerusalem, on the priorities
of the Palestinian people, on supporting them.
It is clear that people of Arafat’s generation
want to go down in history as people who have fought
for a cause not as a people who have accepted, compromise. The crisis may lead to a Palestinian cabal,
it may lead to Hamas playing a political role.
It is possible that the metamorphosis of Islamic
organisations in the region may represent a new way.
However what worries me is that there is no consultation
over the interrelating issues: Afghanistan today,
possibly Somalia and Sudan tomorrow, the future of
oil in the context of the increasing poverty and disparity
that exists around that oil.
This is what I have been working on for the
past three years since I was liberated from public office. So far we have seen
no dialogue, there is a bankruptcy of ideas. We are only a region in name. This
region needs a shared identity with other regions. We need to develop economic
cooperation with those countries that lie in the zone of crisis, which are
Muslim states. The Central Asian states
are now part of a new energy super highway whereas the Middle Eastern countries
have been excluded. There is something
new developing.
I personally think that the occupation forces
in Palestine are being revisited after the virtual collapse of the Oslo
accords. When I hear an Israeli
minister saying we are only talking about 20 per cent of Palestine that we were
promised by the Balfour Declaration and the other 80 per cent already exists in
the Palestine state called Jordan, then I wonder at the validity of the peace
process. I am also deeply concerned
with the concept of the ethnic and sectarian break up of the region. The
possibility of the emergence of Israel as the dominant minority in a fragmented
mosaic of minorities is one reality, putting Israel on the borders of oil is
another potential reality that we have to live with.
Before
we talk of a dialogue between civilisations we need a dialogue within
ourselves. There are double values.
Even in the case of the Muslims in Bosnia there were more statements
from the Vatican than out of Muslim countries.
There is a need for moral rearmament in the Muslim world. There is a need for citizens’ conferences.
So far it has always been every country for itself. A strong Egypt, or a strong Iran, or a strong Saudi Arabia. This has to change. We need to be
interdependent or intra- independent.
Q:
Do you think the American presence in Afghanistan and Pakistan is a
precursor of American hegemony in the region?
A: Well, the sands are shifting. There is a great concern about the American
presence in the Gulf region and that presence can relocate in the broader
region. There is already a massive
American presence in terms of bilateral relations with countries in the
region. I would like to think that
whether it is Russia, China, America or Europe, the time has come for us to
recognise that we have to share in building a new world order on our territory
as well.
The Muslims have to recognise their
responsibilities to each other. Take the Declaration of Human Rights, it
focuses on political and civil rights only, not on social, economic and
cultural rights. We have the
opportunity to cease being accused of hiding behind Asian values and redraw the
Charter of Human Rights. I refer to a
culture of compliance. What is required
is that we and the Americans aspire to a culture of compliance to international
mores.
Q: You are working
towards a “Parliament of Cultures,” to promote cross-cultural peace and
dialogue. What do you hope to achieve
in the post-September 11 world scenario?
A: The
bankruptcy of ideas is not just limited to the Muslim world, it is also there
in Europe which imagines that it needs up to a million migrants a year. Those
migrants come with different coloured skin and different ethnic and religious
backgrounds. And they come either as
citizens living in sufferance or as integrated members of the community. If the latter is the choice, then clearly an
understanding of their cultural identity is essential to enriching the
community to which they contribute.
What
I had in mind was a plenary parliament… for example, the United States is
planning on setting up a 500 million dollar satellite. Why do we have to listen
to an American version of what is happening in our part of the world? If we can’t beat them we should join them.
Why can’t we participate in developing a well-rounded interactive understanding
of the need for a new educational programme for example, where the history,
text and heritage of the “other” is taught.
What is important is that this parliament will not be nominated by
governments, it will be an independent foundation where there is a
cross-section of civil society participating in a dialogue that people want to
hear and that governments need to hear.
As
for crisis-avoidance, all my life I have heard of the dominos of Kosovo, Sarajevo
etc., I have always wondered why the dominos had to fall. The whole region of
the arc of crisis, which encompasses mainly Muslim countries, is bereft of a
crisis-avoidance capability. We are not allowed to analyse the potential
pitfalls. We have had commitments from
independent sources to complete the study.
The Turkish Foreign Policy Institute and the Bilkent University are
interested. Istanbul is both a European and Asian city and in an ideal location
to begin with. By the end of the year
we should be finalising our plans, which should involve both the western
hemisphere and the Middle East region.
Q: How hopeful are
you of stability and understanding within the Muslim world?
A: I think fear is a great wake-up
call for both the Muslim masses, as well as the Muslim rulers.
The time has to come when straight talking and honesty has
to shine through. I can’t see any other way out. Otherwise we have to accept that an all-pervasive
evil will destroy us all. We have to move out of this circle of
mistrust, indecision and apathy and draft our own future instead
of letting others draft it for us.
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