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Last
month, Irshad Manji contributed an op-ed piece to The New York Times
in which she suggested, in effect, that the occupation authorities
shouldn't be relying exclusively on firepower to subdue Iraq. It
would do everyone a world of good if they could be equally generous
on the micro-finance front. More specifically, they should establish
means of offering small loans to women in order to encourage them
to start their own businesses.
This
isn't, of course, a novel idea. Although there is no mention of
Bangladesh in the NYT article, in The Trouble With Islam,Manji cites
the example of Mohammed Yunus and his Grameen Bank.
As
a means of empowering women in societies where they generally lack
the wherewithal to establish financial independence and the dignity
that goes with it, it is an inspiring strategy. But proposing petty
entrepreneurship as a broader panacea for the Muslim world, as Manji
does at length in her often provocative (and that's not a criticism!)
book, requires not only chutzpah, but a liberal (or perhaps neo-liberal)
dose of naivete. And in the case of Iraq, it is difficult indeed
to envisage Grameenisation getting very far amid the mayhem unleashed
by the invasion and the response it has provoked.
All
the same, were that the extent of Manji's naivete, it would be easy
to overlook. Unfortunately, it also manifests itself in far less
agreeable forms.
But
more about that later. First let's look at what drove her to question
the received wisdom about Islam. Transplanted as a child to Canada
by parents evicted from Idi Amin's Uganda, and in due course, compelled
to attend a local madrassah, it didn't take Manji long to discover
that it wasn't just another version of Sunday school. She was irked
by the inability of the imam to answer her questions, which kept
piling up as she grew older. What irritated her even more was the
designation of many of her queries as inappropriate.
Eventually, the madrassah didn't want her there anymore.
She nonetheless resisted the temptation to make a clean break with
religion. But the questions didn't stop either. As a lesbian, she
wanted to know why homosexuality is considered unacceptable in Islam.
As a feminist, she couldn't come to terms with the discrimination
against women and girls. And she was equally concerned about the
anti-Semitism that appeared to afflict most Muslims: what was the
cause of it?
These,
of course, are only some of the bones of contention. For obvious
reasons, the hottest topic these days is terrorism. Not all Muslims
are terrorists, Manji concedes, but aren't all terrorists Muslims?
That's not an unfamiliar stance. It is based on the insidious view
that if Iraqi insurgents blow up a military recruitment centre set
up by foreign occupiers, that is terrorism; however, if US forces
blow a wedding party or a family of civilians to kingdom come, that's
collateral damage.
Similar standards apply in the Israeli-Palestinian context, and
it is quite amazing how Manji navigates the Middle Eastern maze
almost exclusively from an Israeli vantage point. Invited to visit
that country by what she describes as a Zionist organisation, she
embraces with alarming fervour the right-wing Israeli dream. She
can see little wrong with the occupation and is a bit too eager
to defend Israel against charges that some of its policies are reminiscent
of Nazism or apartheid.
Her
views on Middle Eastern history and politics are based on the Zionist
perspective. She would, if she could, remake the region in the image
of Israel. She is filled with contempt for Yasser Arafat and full
of praise for Israeli democracy, notwithstanding the fact that Ariel
Sharon probably has more blood on his hands than any Arab despot.
Manji's passion for all things Israeli - and, by extension,
neoconservative, is an unfortunate and, on the face of it, unnecessary
deviation from the intriguing challenges she posits for Islam, and
it detracts considerably from the value of her witty and far from
unintelligent diatribe.
However,
it doesn't follow from her jaundiced political perspective (although
she persistently hedges her bets, possibly hoping thereby to fend
off accusations of bias) that the other points she raises ought
to be dismissed out of hand. After all, God knows that the malaise-ridden
Muslim world needs to change. And Islam is crying out for a reformation.
It's hard to disagree with Manji when she says that the
way ahead lies via ijtihad rather than jihad. In her opinion, the
trouble with Islam is that it has been hijacked by 'foundamentalists'
- those who claim a monopoly over 'true' interpretations of the
scriptures and traditions on the basis that they are native to the
region where Islam was founded.
Muslims need to cast
off this straitjacket, become more relaxed about their faith, accept
and respect differences among themselves as well as with others,
and realise that ultimately, Allah alone knows what is true and
what is not. Ambiguities and contradictions in the Quran, she suggests,
indicate that it ought not to be taken too literally.
Some of Manji's arguments are more valid than others and most of
them can, at the very least, serve as a basis for civilised debate.
She has even provided a forum for such a discourse on her website:
www.muslim-refusenik.com/home.html
Although she is clearly seduced by the west - and understandably
enthusiastic about the freedoms she perceives therein - it is somewhat
strange that she refuses to recommend what must surely be one of
its finer attractions from the point of view of many Muslims: the
separation, at least in theory, of church and state. And she errs
equally grievously in holding out the hope that the push for change
in Islam will come from Muslims settled in the west.
For a variety of reasons, it won't. But even if it did, its
chances of success would be slight. The impetus for movement towards
a less rigid, more eclectic faith, must arise within the Muslim
world. Perhaps it will. But don't expect it to happen for as long
as Manji's ideological allies in Washington continue to pursue their
disastrous 'war against terror.'
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