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In 1999, OAK (Omar Asghar
Khan), as he was known among his colleagues, and Sungi were facing
tough resistance from the well- entrenched clergy in Hazara Region,
particularly the areas dominated by Pashto- speaking tribes. Sungi's
development projects in remote villages of Hazara were, and still
are, focused on sustainable agriculture, conservation of forests
and empowerment of people, particularly women, at the grassroots.
On May 29, the day I joined Sungi, I found OAK and the organisation
in a predicament. The Kissan Conference, scheduled to begin that
day in a village of Pashto-speaking District Batagram, had been
banned by the local administration under Section 144 as the religious
elements of the district were agitating against it. They were alleging
that Sungi and its leader, Omar Asghar Khan, were "agents of
the Jewish lobby," spreading western culture and obscenity
and asking women to defy their husbands.
There was a crisis-like situation as the participants - more than
one thousand from all corners of the country - had already started
pouring in, and were not being allowed to enter the village Shamlai,
or Batagram town. The armed extremists were taking out processions
in the city threatening to attack Sungi's zonal office, where OAK
along with some colleagues and guests, was holding the fort despite
pressure from the local administration, and threats to either leave
the city or face arrest.
It was in this situation that I saw a determined and resolute young
man - the scion of an upper class family, born with the proverbial
silver spoon in his mouth - fighting for the weakest sections of
society. Consequently, on a few hours notice, the venue of the conference
was shifted to Abbottabad. It was a huge task as Sungi's management
suddenly had to accommodate more than one thousand participants
for three days. In spite of that, the conference was a success because
of the determination, commitment and skill of the man at the helm
and his loyal followers.
Earlier, OAK had been confronted and attacked by the timber mafia
and their agents. But he continued to strive for change, both social
and political, in an area which is under the control and influence
of various mafias and obscurantists. OAK won support and respect
from people at the grassroots level because he engaged with them
at their level and worked tirelessly for their socio-economic uplift.
He once said, "Alliances need to be built with those at the
periphery so as to create space for them alongside those at the
core." He would travel hundreds of miles, many times on foot,
to meet the people in remote mountainous villages of the Hazara
region.
We spent endless nights in those far flung areas with Omar, along
with the villagers in their mud houses. And we were not always welcome.
Often conflicts arose, which were largely instigated by extremist
religious elements or other vested interests including members of
the timber mafia and local influentials who felt threatened because
of Sungi's work for the awareness and enlightenment of the deprived
communities.
OAK took the opposition in his stride, expressing the view that
"raising consciousness and stimulating action to redistribute
power enabling fair access and control over resources and opportunities
is a primary objective of right-based civil society organisations.
As they create space for the non-elite to assert their rights, the
power elite exerts counter pressures to reclaim this space and maintain
the status quo. Conflict is intrinsic to this engagement."
When the state renewed its attempts to introduce invasive legislation
to control the country's NGOs, Sungi was at the forefront of the
battle against such measures, even though it was already facing
resistance from other quarters.
Despite the intensity and scale of the hostility, OAK endeavoured
to promote the concept of people's assemblies. He believed these
would enhance the understanding of, and support for, right-based
advocacy organisations and mobilise collective action to remove
the inequities that marginalise large sections of the population.
Before joining the military regime, Omar consulted with the Programme
Management Committee (responsible for running Sungi's affairs),
board members and friends in other civil society organisations several
times. Interestingly, after the military takeover, members of intelligence
agencies had visited Sungi's head office in Abbottabad during a
night raid and made enquiries about OAK's personal character, belongings,
relations etc., and we had naturally felt threatened by their interrogation.
The next day Omar received a message from GHQ, Rawalpindi, that
the military authorities wanted to see him.
He held a number of meetings with General Aziz and other officials,
and was eventually offered a seat in the federal cabinet as minister
for oil, gas and natural resources. However, Omar was interested
in the ministry for local government and rural development so that
he could pursue, and if possible, implement his ideas of development
and local governance. For two or three days, there was no communication
between OAK and the military regime. We all assumed that the authorities
had thought better of their offer. Then came the message that Omar
could have the ministry of his choice. OAK thus became a federal
minister in the military government.
Surprisingly, while many of OAK's friends in various civil society
organisations supported the idea of Omar's joining the military
regime, many others who respected, revered and loved him were disappointed.
In my humble opinion, this decision tarnished his otherwise impeccable
credentials. Yet, even during his stint with the military government,
Omar remained committed to democratic norms and remained a staunch
supporter of people's rule.
Thousands of people from almost every nook and corner of the
country and particularly from the rural areas of the Hazara region
- including many women - attended his funeral in Abbottabad. There
was such a large crowd of mourners that it was impossible to get
close to his coffin, or see his face. Not a single person in the
crowd of thousands present accepted at face value the cause of death
advanced by the police. Suicide? Omar, the fighter, the champion
of right, brave and upright as he was, committing suicide - not
possible.
OAK's
mysterious, tragic death is a huge loss for his family, for his
nascent political party, for Sungi, for the people's movement, and
for a progressive, secular, just society. Mostly perhaps, it is
a loss for the wretched whose cause he so passionately espoused
throughout his life. Personally, I feel as if I have lost a dear
friend.
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