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"We've
Learnt Nothing from History." This rather simplistic formulation
of conventional wisdom would normally not excite much reflection.
However, Asghar Khan's book of this title with the subtitle, "Pakistan:
Politics and Military Power," touches you in a curious way.
It is a sad book and this is not because the most prominent anti-hero
of our politics has given us a poignant portrait of our history.
What remains with you are thoughts about the author and his tragic
excursions into the wilderness of our politics.
Otherwise,
the book itself falls short of expectations. It has evidently been
put together in a hurry and as Asghar Khan himself admits in his
preface, the earlier chapters contain much of the book, Generals
in Politics, which he had written during his detention in 1985.
The excuse for this repetition is that the book was not allowed
to be published in Pakistan at that time. In addition, there are
"some fresh thoughts on the role of the armed forces and the
state of politics in the country." Moreover, these additions
are mostly cursory in nature and include short, published articles.
One
senses another, deeply personal motivation for bringing out this
volume. It is "dedicated to my son Omar Asghar Khan (1953-2002)
who shared my values and my hopes." As a prologue, there is
a brief but very evocative obituary of Omar by his childhood friend
and colleague in his struggle for social development, Shahrukh Rafi
Khan. What serves as an introduction is a profile of the author
that was published in The Friday Times in December 1998.
Included
in the appendix are a series of articles Ardeshir Cowasjee wrote
in Dawn in July and August 2002, with the caption: "We never
learn from history." This is how the first of these columns
begins: "The indefatigable old warrior of our skies is wounded,
as sorely wounded as any father of 81 years of age who has tragically
lost his eldest son, himself a father, under the most mysterious
and peculiar of circumstances, a son endowed with much talent and
intelligence with a future before him even brighter than his past.
For this great tragedy that has struck him, his endearing wife,
and his family, we can but express our most sincere condolences."
Here
are, then, intimations of a Greek tragedy. Its dramatic impact is
certified by the fact that its personal element is woven into the
wayward history of the country. In that sense, we should have expected
an intimate memoir from Asghar Khan. He has certainly made a serious
attempt to record his political journey, at times in great detail,
but the book does not encapsulate his life's experience.
Without any doubt, Asghar Khan's political experience should
serve as the mirror of a certain phase of our history. The story
begins in earnest during the last days of Ayub Khan and its climactic
episodes are located in the rise and fall of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
Asghar Khan was persistently victimised during Bhutto's reign and
we have an explicit account of this confrontation. Their relationship
is also the stuff of drama.
Though
one can understand Asghar Khan's predicament in being candid as
well as objective about Bhutto, there is no attempt to come to terms
with this challenge.
There
is a six-page chapter on 'The hanging of Bhutto,' and it summarises
the Zia-Bhutto equation. There is no first-person account of his
feelings on Bhutto's execution. After recording the event of April
4, 1979, he simply adds: "And so ended a turbulent career.
We are too close to the times in which Bhutto lived, to assess accurately
the impact of his life and death on the future of Pakistan."
A
valuable section of the book relates to the political role of the
ISI and it includes the affidavit from Lt-Gen Asad Durrani, former
DG, ISI, that listed the names of politicians who had received large
amounts for their election campaign in 1988, in a bid to contain
the People's Party of Benazir Bhutto. Asghar Khan also notes that
the Supreme Court has left the case in cold storage since 1999.
The case was prompted by his letter to the Chief Justice to ask
him to take suo moto notice of allegations against service personnel.
We have some interesting anecdotes from the period that
covered the Bangladesh crisis and the movement against Bhutto in
1977. Details of Asghar Khan's lonely and brave struggle in West
Pakistan to highlight the grievances of East Pakistan and the stupidity
of an army action are full of pathos. It was this stance in particular
that vindicates Asghar Khan's moral position as a politician. But
he has not explained why his party decided to participate in elections
that Yahya Khan announced in late September 1971 to seats that had
been won by the Awami League in the 1970 general elections.
There
are also some surprising misstatements. Bhutto was in Dhaka when
the army action began after midnight on 25/26 March. He writes:
"On his arrival in West Pakistan a few days later, he was to
say, 'Thank God, Pakistan has, at last, been saved.'" But Bhutto
had reached Karachi on March 26 and not a few days later. And his
quote is not the same as recorded. On page 53, he writes about the
surrender of "about 93,000 servicemen," but on page 65,
he refers to "the release of over 93,000 prisoners of war,
of whom 15,000 were civilians."
The
point here is just that the book is uneven and unstructured in its
design. Some recent articles have been included to justify the projected
scope of the narrative. That is how a chapter on 'General Musharraf's
Five Years in Power' is meant to complete the picture. However,
the subject of 'Jihad' and the United States is covered in less
than three pages.
All
said and done, Asghar Khan will remain a central character in Pakistan's
political history. A man of integrity and character, it is necessary
to understand why a person of such sterling qualities and experience
was not able to stage a victory on the political front. How does
his failure as a politician relate to our prospects as a civilised
and democratic polity? This is the thought that you are left with.
And it depresses you.
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