|
Thousands
beat their breasts in grief as the charred and mutilated bodies
draped in white lay in front of the Ali Raza mosque. At last count,
22 innocent people, including a 10-year-old girl, had lost their
lives in the suspected suicide bombing targetting Shia worshippers.
With bloodstains and human flesh still clinging to its roof, the
mosque was a macabre testimonial to the brutality of sectarian violence
which hit Karachi once again on May 31 - and a grim reminder of
May 7, when a police constable, in the garb of a Shia cleric, blew
himself up at the Hyderi mosque on the premises of the Sindh Madrassatul
Islam on I.I. Chundrigar Road, killing 23 people and injuring 30
others.
As relatives of the victims fainted in grief, emotions
ran high and the crowd resorted to violence. Enraged young protesters
threw rocks and exchanged fire with the police and paramilitary troops,
ransacked shops and set cars ablaze. Fumes from heavy teargas shelling
and thick clouds of smoke from vehicles set on fire enveloped the
neighbourhood. Five protesters were killed at the hands of police
and paramilitary troops, and Karachi was once again engulfed by a
fresh wave of sectarian and political violence.
A day earlier, prominent Sunni preacher and ideologue , Mufti Nizamuddin
Shamzai, had been assassinated. The 52-year-old Sheikh-ul Hadith
of the country's second largest Islamic seminary, Jamia Islamia
Dar-ul Uloom Binoria Town, a close aide of the spiritual leader
of the Taliban, Mullah Omar, was killed by four attackers, probably
backed by another group of gunmen. The assassination led to mayhem
as madrassa students, armed with sticks, rods and guns, ransacked
shops, buildings and an American fast food outlet. Chants of "Down
with America, down with Bush, revolution, revolution, Islamic revolution,"
echoed across the city.
On
May 26, suspected Al-Qaeda men carried out twin car bombings near
the US Consul General's residence, killing a police constable on
duty and injuring 30, mostly photojournalists, as the second bomb
went off moments after they reached the spot. On the same day, two
porters at the Karachi Port Trust lost their lives when a parcel
bomb exploded.
The
bombings, however, were not the only factor signalling Karachi's
descent into anarchy. The local bodies bye-elections to the Sindh
and National Assembly seats had already triggered a chain of violent
incidents earlier that month, with street gunbattles between the
workers of the MQM and the Jamaat-e-Islami, old political foes,
claiming 12 lives.
The
recent killings sparked fear among citizens that the vicious cycle
of violence that had once earned Karachi the reputation of being
one of the deadliest cities in the world, has begun once again.
"My brother was running for shelter but was killed by police.
My shop was ransacked by angry protesters. I have nothing now,"
says Mohammad Faiz, a shopkeeper in the troubled Guru Mandir area
that was the focal point of recent riots. Faiz has changed his residence
at least three times during the past 10 years. "I still have
nightmares of fights between the masked militants and police on
Kaali Pahari in Orangi Town. I have witnessed the deaths of police
and party workers in North Karachi. I moved to Guru Mandir in search
of peace but lost everything here."
Faiz's neighbour, Mohammad Siddiq, accuses law-enforcing
agencies and the administration of failing to provide security to
the people of Karachi. "They are all busy hunting down Al-Qaeda
to appease President Musharraf and the US, but they don't care about
us," he says. "Does it make sense to fight an international
war against terrorism and let the city of Karachi burn?"
Says
a senior cleric of the Shia Pasban-e-Aza group, "We have no
faith in the police and the rangers because they failed to protect
our mosques. We demand that the government deploy the army to ensure
their security and safety."
Senior
provincial government and police officials term the violence a conspiracy
by sectarian militants backed by Al-Qaeda, to destabilise President
Musharraf's rule. "It is a punishment to Pakistan for being
a frontline state in the war against terrorism," says Sindh
home advisor and MQM senior leader, Aftab Ahmed Sheikh. Says Kamal
Shah, IG of Sindh Police, "There is an ongoing war against
terrorists." Police investigators believe that the attacks
on Shia mosques and the murder of Shamzai are acts of sectarian
militants enraged at the recent arrests of their comrades, including
Kamran Atif, a ring leader of the Harkat-ul Mujahideen al-Alami.
The activists of this splinter group of a banned Kashmiri militant
outfit have been convicted of the US Consulate bombing that killed
12 Pakistanis in June 2002, and the failed assassination attempt
on President Musharraf in April 2002.
A
senior police investigator claims that the recent attacks in Karachi
may have been planned by Amjad Farooqui, believed to be the mastermind
behind the two assassination bids on Musharraf's life in December
last year, with the help of low-ranking air force and military personnel
and fellow jihadis. The 30-year-old Farooqui hails from Toba Tek
Singh in the Punjab, and belongs to a Sunni extremist group, the
Harkat-e-Jihad Islami. Believed to have close links with Al-Qaeda
leadership, he is an absconder in the kidnapping and murder case
of the Wall Street Journal reporter, Daniel Pearl. "He [Amjad
Farooqui] may want to divert the ongoing hunt launched against him
by planning terrorist attacks in Karachi with the aim of destabilising
the Musharraf government," says the investigator.
Police claim to have arrested more than 150 militants belonging
to sectarian and local jihadi groups since 2003, but sources say
groups of dangerous militants are still operating in the city. "They
are brainwashed and ready to sacrifice their lives by strapping
explosives to their bodies. They are like ticking bombs. They have
arms and funding from Al-Qaeda, which wants to take revenge against
Musharraf for his efforts to eliminate terrorism," says a security
official.
With Karachi now a hub of terrorist activity, around 20,000
personnel of the police and rangers have been deployed in the city.
The police intelligence branch of the Crime Investigation Department
(CID), a large network of the Inter-Services Intelligence, Military
Intelligence (MI) and the Intelligence Bureau (IB) also function
in the city, but law enforcement agencies have failed to restore
peace so far.
The city, with a population of more than 14 million, has
a history of more than a decade of political, ethnic and sectarian
violence. Over a million Bengalis and Afghans live illegally in
its squatter settlements. Land grabbers, gun-runners and drug-traffickers,
who have joined hands with hundreds of independent criminal mafias,
operate with impunity and get away by bribing corrupt police officials
and politicians. "Karachi not only fulfils the dreams of illegal
immigrants and fortune- seekers from other provinces, but provides
a home to hundreds of criminal mafias, and ethnic and sectarian
militants," says sociologist, Razi-ul Hasan. "The labyrinth
of slums can provide a safe haven to smalltime criminals and fugitives
from justice. It is very easy to hide in this sea of human beings,
especially when there is no rule of law." He maintains that
sectarian and jihadi groups, with headquarters in the Punjab, maintain
a presence in Karachi because of the easy availability of money.
Every month around 10 million rupees are pocketed by criminals in
the name of donations."
While the Jamaat-e-Islami holds the reins of city government,
and the MQM is now in the provincial coalition, both parties have
only managed to fritter away their energies squabbling, instead
of working for the betterment of Karachi. The self-exiled leader
of the MQM, Altaf Hussain, maintains that the recent violence is
an engineered conspiracy to deploy the army in the city, impose
Governor's rule, suspend the Sindh government and impose emergency
in the province. "The people of Karachi are fully aware that
for the past month, hidden hands, in connivance with religious extremists
and jihadi outfits, are destroying the peace of Karachi. It is an
open secret as to who attempted to assassinate President Musharraf,"
he said casting aspersion on the role of the law enforcement agencies.
The deadly sectarian attacks and political violence have
sent alarm bells ringing in Islamabad and there are reports that
President Musharraf is planning to take important decisions regarding
Karachi's worsening law and order situation. Major changes have
been announced in the top police forces, with Karachi police chief,
Asad Ashraf Malik, and two other senior police officials being removed,
and there are rumours of a possible change of Chief Minister in
Sindh.
While some political
pundits speculate that Islamabad will impose Governor's rule in
Sindh, others maintain the move would hurt Musharraf's political
plans.
"Musharraf will have to play his cards carefully. If he decides
to impose Governor's rule in the province, he will lose the MQM's
support not only in Sindh but at the centre as well. That would
further weaken the shaky political set-up at the centre as well
as the fragile coalition in Sindh," says an analyst.
As Newsline goes to press, a solution to Karachi's grave
problems is still being thrashed out in Islamabad. Meanwhile, violence
continues to extract a heavy toll on both the city and the country.
Officials at the Federation of Pakistan Chamber of Commerce and
Industries (FPCCI) estimate that around five million daily-wage
workers lose their earnings whenever there is a strike call causing
heavy losses to the country's exchequer."Disturbances in Karachi
hit business and industry hard," says FPCCI President, Riaz
Tata. "Every strike results in losses worth seven to eight
billion rupees to industry." Close to all the Middle Eastern
and Central Asian countries, the city provides an ideal place for
investment, but peace is the need of the hour, says Tata. "If
Karachi is not peaceful then Islamabad's business-friendly policies
will suffer." 
|