A barber in Srinagar tells correspondent Mark Tully in a BBC
programme on Kashmir, 'Paradise Lost,' that the Kashmiris
want to have no part of either India or Pakistan.
They desire azadi from both. Ironically, both India
and Pakistan are teetering on the brink of a possible
nuclear conflagration over Kashmir. Around one billion
people in India and 140 million people in Pakistan
face the grim prospect of a holocaust of inconceivable
proportions. In the last 54 years, the two countries
have fought two wars over Kashmir and stood on the
brink of two others. Yet both sides have stuck to
their guns, literally, and refused to step back in
order to move forward, towards a permanent solution
of a dispute which has claimed the lives of over 60,000
Kashmiris.
And now, taking the cue from the US war on terrorism,
Vajpayee's government has amassed its troops along
the borders and is gearing up for a decisive battle
against cross-border terrorism from Pakistan. It has
very cleverly zeroed in on this issue, to the exclusion
of everything else, including the genesis of the Kashmir
dispute. And by doing so, has successfully managed
to deflect attention from the real problem and emerged
as the long-suffering victim. Pakistan meanwhile,has
been pushed into a tight corner: it is being portrayed
as a major sponsor of terrorism in the region. The
past is finally catching up with us.
To further their 'strategic depth' in Afghanistan
and conquer Kashmir, some self-professed Goliaths
of the Zia years teamed up with increasingly militant
extremist groups, and jihad became the catchword for
almost two decades. Unfortunately, those skewed policies
remained in place till September 11. With the US war
on terrorism, Pakistan, under Musharraf, was pressured
to do a total volte face. And that requires some doing.
In the past two decades, the militants have spread
their network far and wide and Musharraf is finding
it increasingly difficult to reverse the trend.
Meanwhile, the international community, led by the
US, is handling India with kid gloves and showing
increasing impatience with Pakistan, demanding that
it do more to rein in the militants. Yes, Pakistan
definitely needs to wield the whip, but that is only
one aspect of the problem. The issue of cross-border
terrorism that India harps on is one reality. The
indigenous struggle of the Kashmiris for independence
is another. The imposition of non-representative governments
in Kashmir by the centre is yet another reality, as
is the gross violation of human rights by Indian law
enforcement agencies.
While there is no denying the fact that the Kashmiri
freedom movement has been hijacked by religious extremists,
who are attempting to settle a political dispute through
the barrel of a gun, their actions draw sustenance
from the Indian government's obduracy and intransigence.
It continues to maintain that there is no problem
in Kashmir, except that of cross-border terrorism.
In the relationship between India and Pakistan, far
too much time and energy have been invested in the
blame game - Siachen, Kargil, Agra continue to dominate
the debate - and very little attention paid to effecting
a lasting peace. Bilateral talks in the past have
failed, and third party mediation is anathema to Vajpayee.
So where does one go from here?
The international community will have to move beyond
the short-term goal of achieving de-escalation along
the Line of Control. It will have to make a serious
and concerted effort to force the two sides to thrash
out a final solution to the Kashmir dispute. One that
takes into account the aspirations of the Kashmiri
people, on both sides of the divide.
The stand-off cannot be allowed to continue indefinitely and
hold the life of a billion people in the subcontinent
hostage. In the eventual analysis, the international
community will have to step in and pressurise the
two countries to reach for a viable solution. If a
solution is not found now, the world might well be
faced with yet another crisis six months down the
road. And next time round, we might not get that lucky.