The media
images of a distraught Mukhtar Mai, weeping silently,
will remain etched in memory. Mai is inconsolable. Her
tormentors - all but one of the six men who allegedly
gang-raped her in full public view in Meerwala and were
sentenced to death by an anti-terrorism court in D.G.
Khan - have been allowed to get away by a division bench
of the Lahore High Court. On grounds of 'insufficient
evidence.' Insufficient evidence? The defence lawyer
argued that the accused could not be prosecuted on the
testimony of one woman. One woman! The woman who was
shamed and humiliated publicly just because the powerful
head of a panchayat decreed so, as 'honour' punishment
for her 14-year-old brother's alleged affair with a
woman of the powerful Mastoi clan in 2002. Was her evidence
not admissible in a court of law?
And whatever happened to the 150 or so witnesses to
this bestiality - could the police not find even four
adult, male witnesses to come forward and testify in
favour of the victim? Or were the police bribed into
submission and the witnesses intimidated and coerced
into silence? Is there any hope for people like Mukhtar
Mai in a scenario such as this? Not if the courts continue
to play only by the book, as they seem to have done
in this instance.
Then
there is Dr Shazia Khalid, the Sui rape victim, who,
unlike Mukhtar Mai, has not been able to face the public
since that trauma. In her case the police has yet to
nab the culprit, despite the fact that this crime was
committed in a high security zone. One of the accused
named in the case - a man in uniform - has already been
declared 'possibly not guilty' by the highest in the
land - also in uniform. The manner in which the entire
case has been handled reeks of foul play.
And
as if that were not enough, the doctor has been declared
a kari, shockingly by one of her own in-laws, thus raising
fears of danger to her life. Rumours are that Dr Shazia
Khalid plans to take asylum in a foreign country - like
Dr Shaista Almani before her, and Riffat Afridi before
that - to escape the fate of hundreds of women like
Samia Sarwar, who have been slaughtered in the name
of karo-kari.
Unfortunately,
the feudal lords in the present assemblies are determined
to thwart any attempts to address the issue of karo-kari.
As was obvious from the response of some members of
the ruling party to an amendment to the karo-kari bill,
proposed by one of their own - PML(Q)'s Kashmala Tariq
- to prevent an honour-killer from winning impunity
through the provision of diyat or blood money. They
ganged up with the MMA to defeat the bill. Their argument:
it would encourage the women to marry out of choice,
thus shaming their parents. Fifty-eight years down the
road, some Pakistani men still want to deny women the
right to choose their own husbands.
General Musharraf may have reserved 33 per cent
of the seats in the local bodies and 22 per cent in
the assemblies for women, but has that political space
translated into real empowerment?
At a recent UN conference to examine women's
progress since the Fourth World Conference on Women
in Beijing nearly 10 years ago, the Pakistani prime
minister's adviser on women's development reportedly
won "thunderous applause" as she proceeded
to dilate on the merits of the government's recently
passed karo-kari bill. Perhaps Ms Tariq could enlighten
Ms Nilofer Bakhtiar on the flawed nature of the bill
when she returns from New York.