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Recent
events on the world stage indicate that accepted international rules
on non-proliferation are selectively applied in the post-9/11 world.
While Iran, a signatory to the Non-Proliferation Treaty, cannot
exploit peaceful uses of nuclear energy, India, which has defied
world concerns on nuclearisation for over four decades, can buy
breeder nuclear reactors for military use. Not surprisingly, in
both cases, the one country that stands out as the vital player
is the United States of America.
Despite
hectic negotiations marred by an eight-month long stalemate, the
U.S. administration finally gave in to the Indian position. Now,
only 14 of 22 breeder reactors will be put under civilian control
and thus be subject to international inspections. Delivery is scheduled
to be complete by 2016.
The
deal marks Washington's approval of India's status as a nuclear-weapons
power. Now with the incorporation of sophisticated new technology,
New Delhi not only boosts its nuclear weapons capability, but is
a major step closer to being fully self-sufficient energy-wise.
There
are slips between the cup and the lip, though, as the deal requires
approval from Congress, which is home to some staunch critics of
'the nuclear gamble.' However, Republicans as well as Democrats
are expected to eventually approve the deal owing to exaggerated
power projections for China. Defence-policy decision-makers and
think tanks in the United States already view the modernisation
process of Chinese armed forces as a huge threat.
At
the same time, the international Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) must
also approve the agreement. The 44-nation assembly will stipulate
and verify that the vital nuclear fuel for these reactors will be
used for peaceful purposes - i.e. domestic energy requirements.
Not being part of the NPT, India cannot receive any nuclear technology
know-how or equipment from NSG members. Further, by staying outside
the NPT agreement, India is not bound to limit the amount of fissile
material it produces. This worries proliferation opponents who fear
that India may opt to make more bombs and set off an arms race in
Asia.
Though nuclear-weapons states, excluding China, will extend
their support to the US-India deal, many principled nations such
as Canada, Australia, Norway and Japan may try to block the move.
Nonetheless,
India's recent success at the nuclear negotiation table is nothing
short of impressive and has left many non-proliferation advocates
scratching their heads. Somehow, after three decades of pariah status,
India has tapped billions of dollars of foreign atomic technology
and fuel to meet its soaring energy needs.
For most US politicians, policy-makers and pundits, the clearest
gain out of the bargain is a closer relationship with India, seen
as a potential counterweight both to militant Islam and China.
But
there are other wins as well - not just for the U.S., but for the
region, and the world, as a whole. Currently, only four of India's
nuclear facilities are subject to foreign safeguards - compare that
to 14 reactors under scrutiny with this new agreement - and these
present safeguards are positively less muscular than the new inspections
to which India will be submitting. Also, under the new deal, India
promises not to export nuclear equipment or material deemed sensitive
by other nuclear powers.
The
Bush administration argues that India is an exception, and the deal
should not, therefore, set a precedent. For one thing, India never
signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty, so it is different from North
Korea and Iran, and lacked the fundamental commitment of safeguarding
nuclear technology. Like the Indian media, the American media also
cares little about the fate of the NPT. Both free presses gave an
absolute approval of the deal, seeing it as a victory against communist
China.
What
the American media failed to reflect upon was the inevitable comparisons
to Iran. The deal has weakened America's critical position on the
Iranian nuclear programme: the U.S. has just publicly endorsed a
nuclear pariah.
Iranian diplomats have so far been able to engage their opponents
at the negotiation table, but, until now, they were fast running
out of ways to avoid UN Security Council action. With Bush signing
the nuclear deal, and the IAEA director-general hailing it, Tehran
has a whole new series of opportunities to exploit.
There
are many less vocal experts who know how deadly the deal could be
for US nuclear policy pursued over decades. For example, Baker Spring
of the Heritage Foundation categorically termed the act as "effectively
abandoning the NPT regime." The US-India joint statement clearly
signals a change in US nuclear non-proliferation policy.
Spring believes that Congress should clearly state that it is US
policy to oppose any modification to the NPT to expand the number
of recognised weapons states beyond the existing five. Congress
should also prohibit nuclear cooperation with de facto nuclear weapons
states engaged in "second tier" proliferation, he said.
India and other de facto nuclear weapons states should not benefit
from nuclear cooperation if they fail to observe the standards established
for responsible nuclear supplier states to limit the further spread
of nuclear weapons.
The Iranian media says the deal has opened new doorways for
a cleaner and more secure global energy future. It makes the United
States an essential partner as India normalises its rising position
in the community of nations.
"With one simple move the president has blown a hole
in the nuclear rules that the entire world has been playing by and
broken his own word to assure that we will not ship nuclear technology
to India without the proper safeguards," said Edward Markey,
co-chair of the bi-partisan task force on non-proliferation.
Similarly, Daryl Kimball of the Arms Control Association
faulted the White House for a "rush to meet artificial deadlines
(that) sold out core non-proliferation values" in favour of
a deal that would "implicitly endorse, if not indirectly assist,
the further growth of India's nuclear arsenal."
The Iranians have gone even further with President Ahmadinejad
stating, "Regrettably, most international organisations have
turned into political organisations and the influence of great powers
prevents them from taking fair and legally sound decisions."
Then, in the same breath, he added, "The IAEA's (International
Atomic Energy Agency's) treatment of the Islamic Republic of Iran
is politically motivated."
The IAEA's 35-nation board of governors will convene on March
6 to weigh a report by the IAEA chief saying essentially that Iran
has ignored a February 4 call to re-impose a suspension of enrichment
work to regain world trust.
Beyond a war of words, Iran will look to dissenting nations,
hoping that double standards cannot prevail everywhere. And they
may find help in Europe. The German media has been extremely bitter
over the deal.
Speaking to Newsline from Tehran, an Iranian foreign ministry
spokesman said it all. "We are being suspected of running a
parallel nuclear weapons programme, but the Indians have scores
of nuclear weapons as well as a delivery system
The agreement
on transfer of nuclear technology to India is the latest manifestation
of US regard for the international regime. Definitely, it gives
us more options but also puts many powerful nations in an awkward
position."
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