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Q: Do you feel that the already fragile Arab League
has been splintered even further by the Iraq war given the role
that Qatar and Turkey are playing?
A: If we can describe the current status of the Arab
League as splintered, it is mainly due to the collapse of the concept
of multilateralism, and the preference of the individual members
of the League to follow a bilateral orientation in their relations.
I have often called for an OSC (Organisation for Security and Cooperation)
type agreement on a regional level, inclusive of Turkey, Iran, as
well as Pakistan, in order to promote a code of conduct for the
whole region. Certainly, Qatar is a member of the Arab League and
its role has developed with the full knowledge of the League. As
for Turkey, being a member of NATO, it has its own concerns regarding
the future developments in the political structure of Iraq.
Q: The Arab League maintains that they can find a solution
for Iraq. However, given their rather dismal track record over the
Palestine issue, how confident are you that they will deliver?
A: In the absence of a common Arab and Islamic
discourse, and with the vacancy of the Arab and Islamic seat on
the international arena, it is not only Palestine and Iraq, but
the whole Arab and Islamic worlds who can expect further conflicts
leading to a Balkanisation of the region. It is time for us Arabs
and Muslims to formulate a committee of wise persons to bear the
responsibility of engaging with this new American century.
Q: Jordan is seen to have a very close relationship with
the US and there is a perception that it has not played a strong
enough role in the Iraq war. Would you comment?
A:
I cannot speak for the official position of Jordan. I have been
outside the decision-making machinery for the last four years. I
would like to say that Jordan is a responsible member of the international
community, and plays an important centrist role at the regional
level. My country has always stood in support of the Iraqi people,
and still maintains the same position.
Q: How do you view future US/Jordan relations in the wake
of increasing anti-US sentiment in the Middle East?
A:
A large percentage of Jordanians have studied and have ties
in the USA, therefore there is no anti-American people feelings
as such. There are, however, some doubts about the intentions of
the administration of Mr. Bush. You have to remember that, our people
are psychologically caught between the Israeli tanks in Gaza, and
the alliance tanks in Najaf Sharif and Karbala. Certainly there
is a feeling of despair and emptiness, but I hope that eventually
some statesmanship can come out of this.
Q: What is your view of the geo-political future of the
region after the war is over and Americans instal their 'viceroys'
in Iraq?
A: Of course, direct or indirect American rule
in Iraq is unacceptable. I ask, where is the cultural affinity in
appointing a 'viceroy' in Iraq? In order to stop the possible Balkanisation
of our region, we have to understand the reality that the 1991 Gulf
war has taken us to the Madrid Conference. This present tragedy
should take us to a regional conference that would deal once and
for all with the questions of discrimination, weapons of mass destruction
from Israel to the Asian sub-continent, terrorism and its definition,
as well as the creation of mechanisms to deal with the sharing of
natural resources. It is time that the west helps also with the
concept of intellectual investment in our region. American officials
have repeatedly stated their desire to affect an early withdrawal
from Iraq. They have also stated the importance of an Iraqi government
elected by the Iraqi people. I find the above statements contradict
any idea of direct rule, or [the appointment of] a 'viceroy.'
If Iraq is going to
develop into a modern participatory culture where the sovereignty
of the citizen is recognised, where the enormous talent of millions
of Iraqi expatriates and exiles all over the world is regained in
their homecoming, then this cradle of civilisation could flourish
as a beacon of freedom in the region. But if it is to be business
as usual, as the Americans said of Somoza: "He may be a son
of a bitch but he is our son of a bitch!" If that is the attitude
to regional leaders - one minute a military dictator, the next an
ally - then this duality will lead us down the road to hell, alongside
the Arab duality that all these clever foreign analysts of Arab
shortcomings write of from afar.
Q:
Do you feel that the Iraq war just might be the catalyst to finally
unite the Muslim Ummah?
A: A universal ethos cannot be thought the property
of any one culture. The Muslim Ummah has certainly the important
responsibility of reviving the consciousness of Najaf Sharif, of
Mecca and Medina, of Al-Azhar, of Qom, and of attempting to unite
our common Islamic references. We need to provide for a system that
does not transform the man of religion into a politician, and whereby
religion moves out of day to day governance and is elevated above
it. A system that establishes the concept of Shura. Religion itself
holds a sublime place in the hearts of believers.
Q: Do you agree with the view that the war in Iraq will spawn a
new wave of terrorism and breed another generation of suicide bombers,
thus making the west even more vulnerable to terrorist attacks?
A: Certainly the war in Iraq is likely to increase the
potential for terrorism. And I agree with President Mubarak of Egypt,
that we are likely to see the emergence of hundreds of bin-Ladens.
In our part of the world repression is on the increase, and I sincerely
hope that no one will have to bear the brunt of this "clash
of ignorance". Our leaders must shoulder their responsibilities
in the face of the politics and economics of despair. The truth
is that the time has come for a reform movement throughout the Arab
world whereby Arabs shoulder their own responsibilities for their
own destiny. This should be achieved on the basis of speaking an
international idiom, and not through the continuing exclusionist
ghettoisation of the Arabs, or through external dictate.
Q:
Will the US be forced to play a more positive role in the Palestine
issue and will the two-nation theory ever become a reality? How
viable is the US roadmap for the region?
A: There is skepticism about the likely American involvement
in the peace process between the Palestinians and the Israelis.
In the last few years, the USA has vetoed fifteen resolutions in
the Security Council condemning discrimination , and nineteen resolutions
related to Palestinian national self-determination. However, currently
and through the declared intentions of the American administration,
there seems to be a serious effort to follow the road map that should
create a two-state solution. If the Madrid Conference was the starter
of peace, then perhaps a similar regional conference can bring a
comprehensive peace to all the peoples of our region. I very much
hope that the 'roadmap' that is brought out at opportune moments
only to be discredited by the Israelis, will not be brought to bear
as a pacifier in the face of all the pain this region has suffered.
After all the blood, ruin and trouble, the international community
is going to have to answer to the Iraqi people, as it has yet to
answer to the people of Palestine.
Q:
Will this new move towards democracy in the region threaten Arab
monarchies?
A: Democracy is not a commodity for import and export.
And I have always expressed my reservations about authoritarian
monarchies, and totalitarian republics. The main crisis in our region
is very much the consequence of the total absence of governance
in the various systems. Our challenge is going to be, providing
the citizen with the will and means to direct their lives, and not
least greater confidence in their own rights and abilities to achieve
their particular aims through peaceful means.
We must draw inspiration from the skyline of Karbala
and Najaf, as we grieve over our plundered past and devastated present
in this state of spiritual as well as physical devastation. God-willing
we will have the strength to recognise that we have all - globally
- failed to achieve truth, justice and peace. This, accompanied
by the breakdown of good governance, became the recruiting ground
for extremism. The shameful poverty and neglect of the Iraqi people
is a result of the bad governance that is seen in most of our region.
An external enemy has given many regimes an excuse not to focus
on building their societies. Take the enemy out of the equation
by signing a regional peace accord and then start working on merit,
and interdependence, overcoming this prevalent fear of the 'other.'
(This interview was conducted via email)
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