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Two
years ago, a US Congress Research Report rejected the complaint
of US arms manufacturers that the political strings attached to
arms exports by the US Congress and administration damaged the competitiveness
of US weapons manufacture on the global arms market. The rejection
was based on concrete facts. According to the report, 'Conventional
Arms Transfers to Developing Nations,' the United States has had
the largest share of both new contracts and deliveries to the world
for at least eight years in a row. None of the other countries dealing
in weapons come even close to the US in the total amount of weapons
delivered to developing nations over the past decade. The total
value of arms transfer agreements the US signed with the developing
countries was 54.8 billion dollars, which was more than the value
of arms exports by all the other major arms suppliers (France, Russia,
UK and China) put together during the same period.
In
all probability, US dominance in the world arms market is likely
to continue. Military analysts say that its share of world arms
sales is likely to increase even further. Pakistan, a frontline
state in the global war against terrorism, started receiving arms
supplies immediately after the events following 9/11, when the Bush
administration lifted all military sanctions against the country.
However, despite intense lobbying from Pakistan, the US administration
remained reluctant to supply "high-value weapons" or offensive
arms to Pakistan until last month, when the announcement of F-16s
sales was made. Following the last meeting of the Pak-US Defense
Consultative Group, officials confirmed that the volume and nature
of the weaponry transfer is likely to improve in the coming years.
Independent
sources maintain that the US administration probably informed Pakistani
military authorities about the Bush administration's decision to
sell F-16s way back in September 2004, when senior Pakistani military
officials had visited Washington. During the last four years, the
weapons Pakistan has received from America have been aimed at bolstering
the capability of Pakistan's security forces in combating terrorism.
For the first time since this defense relationship has resumed,
however, the US has agreed to sell Pakistan an offensive weaponry
system as part of its military assistance programme. The cost of
the F-16s will cover almost half of the three billion-dollar economic
and military assistance package offered to Pakistan by the first
Bush Administration.
Coinciding
with the US administration's decision to sell F-16s to Pakistan
is its offer to sell modern aircraft and command and control systems
to India, as are the bilateral talks between India and the US on
the strategically important anti-ballistic missile defense system
deal.
Though
traditionally wary of the strings attached to US weaponry deals,
the Indian government intends to give serious consideration to the
latest US offer, a much more comprehensive package than that offered
to Pakistan. This includes weapons systems, technology transfers
and facilities to produce spare parts locally.
With these South Asian arms deals, the US has suddenly transformed
itself from a staunch anti-arms race preacher into a prospective
major arms supplier. The US arms industry is also set to bid for
a multi-billion dollar fighter aircraft deal - the largest arms
deal ever in the subcontinent's history. US military officials recently
also visited New Delhi to give a classified presentation to Indian
defense planners on the effectiveness of Patriot surface to air,
and air defense missile systems which indicate another multi-billion
dollars arms deal in the offing. The total amount of arms sales
to Pakistan are meager in comparison.
What
does this augur for the region? US officials have rejected outright
the possibility of arms sales leading to a regional arms race. While
explaining the sale of F-16s to Pakistan, Secretary Rice said that
the deal has to be analysed in a larger context. Rice mentioned
Afghanistan and Central Asian states as important for American interests
in the future. "If you look at it, there is an entire arc there
that is very important to American interests in the future, and
we're going to pursue all of those relationships on their own terms,
and in this context the F-16 issue with Pakistan makes sense,"
she said in an interview with an American newspaper. Asked about
the Indian deal, she said the US administration wanted to project
itself as a reliable supplier of high quality defense equipment.
The question is, why has America decided to change its age-old policy
of arms transfers to the region? The arms acquisition plans of Pakistan
and India were public knowledge much before the US announcement
to sell high-value weapons to South Asian rivals. Pakistan was considering
buying Swedish Grippen fighter jets, while India planned to purchase
the Mirage 2005 from Qatar, and was awaiting financial approval
from the government. Within a week of the F-16 deal, the Indian
cabinet approved a budget for the purchase of 12 mirages 2005 from
the Middle Eastern monarchy.
Islamabad-based
military analysts say that the both countries have well chalked
out military modernisation programmes. Most analysts do not view
the impending arms purchases as constituting a full-fledged arms
race in the region. "To call it an arms race is a misnomer,"
says retired general and defense analyst, Talat Masood.
Both
official statements and independent commentaries have left the timing
of the US offer to sell offensive weaponry systems to Pakistan and
India open to speculation. However, given the fall in the real value
of US arms exports during the last two years, the benefits of these
sales to the US are axiomatic. "The value of all arms transfer
agreements to developing nations in 2003 was over 13.7 billion dollars.
This was a substantial decrease over 2002, and the lowest total
in real terms for the entire period from 1996-2003," reads
a US congress research report. Pakistan's order alone saved the
Lockheed Martin's production line for F-16 aircrafts from closure.
Bush's decision to sell F-16 fighter planes to Pakistan has, therefore,
been warmly greeted in Fort Worth, as it has in Pakistan's power
corridors. By offering arms to India and Pakistan, the US also expects
to gain a certain amount of leverage with both countries.
Conventional
wisdom in Pakistan suggests that the US had offered similar advanced
weaponry systems to India in an effort to maintain the traditional
arms balance between the two nations. In anticipation of Indian
protest, it is perceived that the US offered both F-16s and F-18s
to India in an attempt to placate the Indians and maintain its military
edge. However, while the promise of an unlimited number of F-16s
might hinder Pakistan from looking elsewhere for military hardware,
defense analysts say that the same logic doesn't apply to India.
"India already has a diversified procurement policy and its
economic base gives it the capacity to look for other sources of
procurement," says Talat Masood. The Indian Air Force (IAF)
is likely to issue a tender next month inviting bids for a multi-billion-dollar
contract to acquire 200 combat aircraft (126 multi-role and 74 strike
and air defence) by 2010. Currently, Dassault Aviation of France,
with its Mirage 2000-V-Mk2, Sweden's SAAB, with its JAS 39C Gripen
and Russia's RSK MiG Corporation, with its MiG-29M/M2, are all vying
for the contract with India, worth around five billion-dollars over
five years. With the US offering F-16s and F-18s to the region,
Lockheed Martin is also set to bid for the contract. In the latest
development, the Lockheed Martin management has offered to build
exclusive F-16s for the Indian Air Force, "far superior to
any existing fighters in service anywhere in the world."
Whatever the outcome of the Indian tender process, and whether
Pakistan decides to purchase a fourth generation of fighter aircrafts
in the near future, it is certain that the US is poised to become
the largest supplier of major weapon systems to the subcontinent.
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