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It
was an impossible situation to secure. With the flight landing late,
everything was behind schedule. It took almost an hour for the returning
PPP leader to disembark, shuttle between terminals and make it to
her custom-built armoured bus. By the time her caravan started to
make the turn through Star Gate and onto Karachi's Sharae Faisal,
the sun was already low in the sky.
But
that's not the half of it.
The
mammoth turnout was the critical factor at play in the security
game on October 18. PPP workers, media personnel, hawkers and curious
onlookers started to fill the streets from early morning. A sea
of people stretched out to the horizon. Benazir's Bhutto's homecoming
had become a gigantic, and very uncontained, rally.
Hundreds
of thousands of well-wishers packed the street, forcing Bhutto's
caravan to inch along for hours on end. And when this happened,
her custom-built armoured bus - its speed negligible for it covered
just nine kilometres in nine hours - was more or less a stationary
target for anyone that wanted her dead.
The
combination of her tall armoured bus, the route, the huge crowds
and her desire to be among her supporters made the daughter of the
east very approachable on that fateful Thursday. People climbed
up lampposts to get a better glimpse of the ex-prime minister, who
had been absent for eight years. As the peculiar terrace-topped
bus passed under bridges, onlookers waving from above could almost
reach over and touch those riding in the open air below - they could
have thrown anything inside. From the street, excited supporters
clambered up the side of her vehicle to shake her hand, or hand
her flowers. Of course, with the threats against her life, the security
protocol dictated that she wasn't supposed to accept anything from
anyone. Karachi Police Chief Azhar Farooqi was "perturbed over
the disregard for security." PPP supporters broke security
cordons while Bhutto herself stood in the open, not behind a bulletproof
screen.
"I
know there are security risks, people who want to kill me and to
scuttle the restoration of democracy," Bhutto said in an interview
with the UK newspaper The Sunday Times. "But with my faith
in God and trust in the people of Pakistan, I'm sure the party workers
will be there and will protect me." In fact she was counting
on the latter. Reports estimated that the PPP had mobilised 5,000
jiyalas to form a security wall around her convoy.
But the size of Bhutto's vehicle alone made it an easy target. And
the arrival of night made it an even easier one: the truck's lights
made it stand out like a giant, paralysed firefly, especially in
the presence of fluctuating street lights.
In
the wake of the attacks, Bhutto lambasted the government for shutting
off the lights. She claimed that each time her slow-moving cavalcade
approached a street lamp, the light would go off. Her personal guards
couldn't see a thing, and they were forced to pan the crowd with
spotlights.
A
news report the next day quoted a senior police officer as saying,
"Perhaps the only reliable tool was the presence of two jammer-fitted
vehicles in the motorcade." But many doubt the effectiveness
of those. Had there been jamming devices, all cell phones on or
around the bus, within about a 20-foot radius of each, should have
been unoperational - this would have stopped any would-be bomber
from using his mobile phone as a remote detonation device. But many
PPP leaders and supporters were on their phones throughout the day
as they rode up top.
Dr
Zulfiqar Ali Mirza, a security planner with the PPP, confirms that
jammers were in place, but for most of the procession everyone was
using their cell phones, on the bus and on the ground. "After
reaching Star Gate the jammers were not working, were switched off
or had some other problem." By October 20, Dr Mirza had spoken
to all the top officials in the Sindh Home Department and police,
and had received a few excuses explaining the failure of the jammers.
"They'd come up with a story. They said there was a lot of
frequency disturbance because there where too many people crowding
around the bus." He was then told that the procession was too
long, too slow and that jammers are only effective when moving at
80 km per hour. The last point is dubious since many government
offices use jamming devices to block the use of cell phones in and
around their buildings. Still, Dr Mirza is keen on debating it as
if it were true. "But we told them that the procession would
take 18-22 hours, based on the 1986 experience." Government
officals also claimed that the batteries on the jammers last for
only six hours. Dr Mirza, a medical doctor and ex-captain with the
Pakistan military, feels that they only lasted about two hours.
A
report in Dawn quoted an unnamed police officer as claiming that
the jammers had broken down because rowdy PPP activists knocked
over their antennae. Given that cell phone jammers do not use long,
pliable antennae that stick up into the air (they have small internal
ones), this seems like a manufactured point to deflect blame.
According
to Dr Mirza, the manner in which the government planned for the
use of the jammers was all very casual.
As
accusations and blame flew the morning after the blasts, the Sindh
home secretary, Brig. Ghulam Muhammad Mohatarem said, "The
government provided every security facility demanded by the party."
This included a heavy police presence, bullet-proof cars and even
a helicopter. Christina Lamb, a foreign journalist and friend of
Bhutto who rode on the bus, claimed that the returning politican
was warned when she touched down in Karachi that the situation outside
was too dangerous and that a chopper was standing by to fly her
to Mazaar-e-Quaid. In fact, the Sindh Home Department had warned
her the previous night that there were renewed threats against her
and that the longer Bhutto stayed on the road, the more difficult
it would be to provide her foolproof security. Still, she refused
the offer.
Jammers
aside, it does, on the surface, look like all levels of government
cooperated with Bhutto and the PPP. On October 12, preliminary details
were hammered out in a high-level meeting headed over by Home Secretary
Brig. Mohatarem in Karachi and attended by a contingent of PPP leaders.
The route for Bhutto's homecoming procession was discussed and a
code of conduct banning the display of weapons and firing was established.
The government assured the worried PPP planners that all security
measures inside and outside the airport would be taken care of,
including the use of explosive-sniffing canines.
Of
course, inside the airport was the lesser worry. That same day,
the PPP was already expecting record crowds. The president of the
PPP's Karachi division, Rashid Rabbani, who was part of the security
meetings, claimed that over one million people would turn out to
welcome Bhutto. That's the way the party wanted it. This event was
a political statement: the PPP needed to prove its street power.
In her account of events, Lamb writes that Bhutto, while resting
in her bullet-proof shielded armchair, said to her, "It's incredible,
far more people than in 1986. How must Musharraf be feeling seeing
this?"
And
because Bhutto planned on leading the party from the front, one
day before the big day, Interior Ministry spokesman, Brigadier (Retd.)
Javed Iqbal Cheema, announced that the government would provide
a special security squad, headed by Major (Retd.) Imtiaz Husain,
the SSP of the Punjab Police, to the former prime minister. The
final security arrangement would see her 20-foot-long armoured vehicle
led and followed by superintendent-commanded police mobiles and
flanked by assistant superintendent-led police mobiles. Two bomb
disposal squads also travelled with the caravan.
Along
the procession route 20,000 police personnel were deployed, while
all buildings, bridges and drains were secured. Two hours before
Bhutto's arrival, the bomb disposal squad performed their final
sweep of the airport, the route, the area around Mazaar-e-Quaid
and the vehicles in Bhutto's convoy, confirming that everything
was all clear: no explosives had been found. Standby forces were
stationed at five points along the route. Hospitals, prison vans,
ambulances and fire tenders were all put on standby.
There
is more. "We provided sharp shooters on the truck to counter
any aerial attack and also made arrangements to counter sniper fire,"
said Brig. Mohatarem.
Still,
there were a multitude of worries in the PPP contingent: firecrackers
being used as cover for shooting, or an explosive-laden remote-controlled
toy plane being crashed into the bus. Besides, how would a suicide
bomber ever be spotted in a crowd of that size? Even with the extra
bulk of 14 kilograms of RDX, a military explosive, strapped to his
body, it wouldn't be easy. And in the cover of darkness, it would
be next to impossible. "The element of night made the situation
even more complex," said Brig. Mohatarem.
And the fluctuating street lamps didn't help. KESC's official response
was simple: don't blame us. "The KESC supplies electricity
to the civic agencies at source," said officials, "and
its distribution is their responsibility." In other words,
KESC is not responsible for the operation of street lights - civic
agencies are.
In response to Bhutto's allegations that the lights were purposely
switched off, the government made an impatient comment. "We
should stop playing games," said the State Minister for Information
and Broadcasting, Tariq Azeem. "Lights keep going on and off
in Pakistan. There is nothing significant in it."
Meanwhile, the investigation into the October 18 blasts goes on.
But with gatherings of this magnitude, lights or no lights, can
anything really be done to stop suicide bombers?
Some say yes. The procession on October 18 was in effect a massive
political rally with no fixed entry and exit points where participants
could be checked and screened. Street rallies cannot be contained
properly, thus large gatherings need to be held in enclosed areas.
"We have stadiums," said Shireen Mazari, a political commentator,
during the current affairs programme 'Wide Angle' on Dawn News.
"We need to use them."
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