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Q: Your election manifesto makes many promises but from
where will you get the additional resources to implement all you
have vowed to undertake, except by levying more taxes?
A: First and foremost, the responsibility of a PTI
government would be to build trust between the people and the government.
If the people were convinced that the government of the day was
sincerely working to protect and promote their interests, they would
be more than willing to pay their fair share in taxes.
With nearly 70 per cent of the total annual revenue eaten up in
the form of debt servicing, it leaves precious little for investment
in human development.
The PTI has prepared a strategy to deal with the debt-servicing
burden. We believe that it is wrong to burden ordinary citizens
by increasing regressive indirect taxation in the form of higher
utility rates (electricity, gas, and fuel) and use it as a tool
to generate additional revenues for debt servicing. The PTI would
negotiate a long-term debt management strategy with the IMF. When
in power, we would conduct an international audit of all loans and
demand international arbitration for the settlement of bad loans
siphoned off by corrupt leadership of the past.
We are confident that remittances by overseas Pakistanis can increase
manifold. Our target is to increase remittances by 3.7 million overseas
Pakistani workers from 1.0 billion USD to around 7.0 billion USD
annually in five years by offering incentives and encouraging non-resident
Pakistanis to send money in the range of 50 to 175 US dollars per
month through normal banking channels.
The savings from debt servicing would be invested on human development
to jump-start the economy by initiating labour intensive projects,
which generate employment and increase production.
Q: If elected to power, would your party undo or ratify
the constitutional amendments introduced by President Musharraf?
A: The mandate of the present government to make amendments
to the constitution under the Supreme Court verdict should be limited
to day-to-day running of the government and electoral reforms conducive
for the holding of free, fair and transparent elections. The amendments
are anti-democratic and pro-authoritarian and would result in subordinating
elected institutions to the whims of unelected bodies. Making amendments
to the constitution is the exclusive domain of an elected Parliament
and no other person or institution can usurp these powers.
The constitutional amendments violate the basic management principle
whereby the one who has the responsibility must have the authority.
The intention behind the proposed amendments reflects distrust and
lack of confidence in the electoral process, the Parliament, and
the office of the Prime Minister.
Q: Do you support an institutionalised role for the army
in the future political dispensation?
A: The role of the army is to defend our borders
and in case of extreme emergency come to the assistance of a civilian
democratic government, for example, in case of natural calamity
or internal strife. Institutionalising the role of the army in politics
is wrong, and justifying it because of past experience is even worse.
If the army as an institution can function, why is it that we have
not succeeded in establishing functional and credible civilian democratic
institutions?
The failure of democracy has more to do with the corrupt and manufactured
leadership that has been imposed on the people by the establishment
through fraudulent elections, and less with the lack of checks and
balances or inherent flaws of the system of government.
People want democracy that can deliver and solve their problems.
They cannot be blamed for not owning the democratic process. Repeated
doses of democracy have only added to their misery. This does not
mean that democracy has no future in Pakistan. It only strengthens
the argument that the fundamentals for a free democratic society
were never allowed to flourish, such as the fundamental right to
choose their leadership freely without any interference.
When senior government servants are assigned the task of acting
as the 'campaign managers' of the 'King's Party,' using the entire
government machinery to select, support, and elect their favourites,
any hope of a 'free and fair' election is a mere pipe dream. A fraudulent
election process cannot produce a new breed of leadership that this
country so desperately needs and which is so essential for the success
of any reform process. As long as our establishment takes upon itself
the mantle of cobbling together unholy alliances because they are
easy to manipulate, we will remain in this vicious syndrome of a
society where no system works.
Q: What was the purpose of levelling allegations against
Chaudhry Shujaat? This prompted a vilification campaign against
yourself and Jemima Khan ...
A: The purpose of producing evidence against the
Chaudhries was to inform the people about the blatant manipulation
of the electoral process, because future political stability depends
on the credibility of the October elections.
We have submitted irrefutable evidence to the Election Commission,
according to which the Chaudhries of Gujrat had loans worth 241.39
million rupees written off by different financial institutions.
This is a clear violation of the 'Declaration of Oath' as spelled
out in the nomination papers. The oath clearly states that any candidate
or his immediate family member is disqualified to contest elections
if he/she is a defaulter or has loans written off amounting to 'rupees
two million or more'. The documents that we released to the press
include the annual report of the Muslim Commercial Bank for the
year 2000, which lists Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and Chaudhry Pervez
Elahi as the Directors of the Punjab Sugar Mills, Vehari, Multan,
who had loans written off to the tune of 22.792 million rupees,
whereas, 218.598 million rupees were written off by the Bankers
Equity Limited against the loan given to the Punjab Sugar Mills
in November 1996.
Of course we anticipated a campaign against us by the establishment.
A similar sleaze campaign was unleashed during the 1997 election
campaign by the then 'King's Party,' namely the PML(N). This time
the mantle of the King's Party has shifted to the recycled PML(N)
under the new brand name of PML(Q). However, we feel that the people
are wiser now and can see through the vilification campaign against
my family and me.
Jemima has already responded to the accusations against her and
I quote: "I am appalled by the recent vilification campaign
against me. First I was called a Zionist conspirator, even though
I have written in support of the Palestinians several times in international
publications. I have organised a protest march to condemn Israeli
acts of aggression against Palestine, and have set up a charity
to help Palestinian children growing up in refugee camps. Ironically,
in the west, I have been accused of the opposite, of being an Islamic
extremist and anti-Jewish. Now I am accused by Imran's political
opponents of being a protégée of Salman Rushdie. Apparently,
according to the papers I was tutored by him for my degree. This
is absurd and untrue. I have never met the man and in fact, several
years before I even met Imran or became a Muslim, I condemned his
book The Satanic Verses in a letter to The Times newspaper in London.
I condemn it as strongly even today
"Imran's political opponents know that they cannot tarnish
his reputation any other way than by launching baseless attacks
on his wife.
"I don't want to have to resort to defending my faith in a
Muslim nation against wild allegations by politicians out to score
political points. I ask only one question: is it Islamic to constantly
question the faith of another Muslim, in my case, a western woman
who has come here, converted to Islam of her own volition, who has
made Pakistan her home?"
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