Asked
what he regretted as being the low point in his three-year
tenure as head of state in the BBC programme, Question
Time Pakistan, General Musharraf disarmed the audience
with his answer: it was the referendum, he said. The
dubious manner in which it was conducted - "unbeknownst"
to him(?) - had cast aspersions on his own credibility.
Having admitted to this flaw, one would have thought the general
might have warned his men to hold their horses in
the campaign run-up to the forthcoming elections.
But alas, the administration is behaving even more
brazenly this time round and the general can no longer
feign ignorance about their wheelings and dealings
in the current political process. Politicians have
blitzed foreign observers and the media - and I take
it, the President reads newspapers and meets foreign
observers - with accusations of misconduct against
Musharraf's principal secretary and the Punjab governor.
They are, allegedly, the central figures in the coterie
that is out to steal the elections. It is an open
secret that election offices have been set up in the
Sindh House in Islamabad and the Punjab Governor's
house in Lahore for the benefit of the PML(Q), the
blue-eyed boys of the current dispensation; also,
that candidates are being vetted by provincial governors,
chief secretaries and IGPs for the issuance of tickets.
But these gentlemen are not the only ones doing the
government's dirty work.
Political parties are also accusing the all-purpose,
ISI, of luring or coercing candidates from other parties
to the King's Party by offering ministerial slots
or threatening to throw them into the accountability
lair. Interestingly in Question Time Pakistan, in
response to a question about the controversial role
of the ISI, President Musharraf clearly stated that
the ISI only follows orders! Another charge that is
being levelled, equally vociferously, is that local
governments that are siding with the King's Party
are being showered with development funds out of the
government's coffers, while the rest are being starved
for cash.
The Election Commission, too, has committed certain
blatant blunders, leading to accusations of favouritism.
One has observed the dual yardsticks that have been
applied to two sets of candidates. Cases in point:
Ms Bhutto's nomination papers were rejected from all
three constituencies that she had filed for, on the
grounds that she has been convicted for contempt of
court; on the other hand, Mr Nawaz Sharif who has
been sentenced to two life terms was cleared. In another
travesty of justice, the nomination papers of Imran
Khan were rejected from Mianwali because he presented
a photocopy of his degree from Oxford (duly certified,
however, by the University Grants Commission), whereas
the fake degrees of two scions of a well-known Sindhi
politician, acquired from a madrassa, were accepted.
President Musharraf maintains that these irregularities
do not fall within his purview and that all such complaints
should be addressed to the Chief Election Commissioner.
They have been, in certain instances, but the CEC's hands, it seems,
are tied. For instance, following complaints of massive transfers and postings of government officials
in critical positions at the local and police level,
particularly in Sindh and the Punjab, the CEC levied
a ban on all such transfers, but the administration carried on regardless. Is the general
aware of all these moves to engineer a "positive"
result? After all, this is not a referendum. It is
a general election - not to be confused with a general's
election.
The questions plaguing all thinking minds are: Which
party will make it to the coveted post? Will the machinations
of some wily men work? What will the general elections
throw up - a rubber-stamp parliament, a hung parliament,
or a forceful parliament that challenges the writ
of the president and the army?
Pakistan faces more uncertain, more chaotic, more
traumatic times ahead
