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If
the Muttahida Qaumi Movement's honeymoon with the government continues,
there is speculation that one of its two top-ranking leaders, Altaf
Hussain or Dr Imran Farooq, may risk returning to Pakistan to take
over the reins of the party. According to a source close to Hussain,
there is also a possibility that Saleem Shehzad, another high-profile
MQM leader, may be sent back in their stead.
Political analysts link Hussain and Farooq's possible return
to Pakistan to the conciliatory attitude of the present establishment,
which is currently sympathetic towards the MQM. "Hussain has
realised that one cannot run an army without the presence of a commander,"
says a senior MQM ideologue. "Even the PPP and PML(N) have
been badly affected by the absence of their leaders. It creates
a lack of party discipline, reflected clearly in the performance
of the MQM's coordination committee, which has failed to work satisfactorily."
The MQM faced one of its worst crackdowns at the hands of the army
and police from 1992 to 1995, which resulted in the killing of hundreds
of its workers and militants. Thousands either fled the country
or were jailed, which badly affected the structure of the party.
Since 1992, the MQM has been run by a committee headed by a convenor,
five deputy convenors and some party members.
Although
insiders maintain that no final decision on who is to return has
been made, the recent dissolution of the co-ordination committee
is indicative of Hussain's disenchantment with the MQM's top hierarchy.
"He feels that the party leaders are only interested in political
games and have forgotten about the MQM movement and the welfare
of their workers who have made many sacrifices for the party,"
says an inside source. Following the MQM's induction into the government,
it has been alleged that party ministers and advisors have paid
scant heed to the worker's grievances. They have done little to
look after the families of party members who were killed, or to
secure the release of their party workers in jail. As a result,
MQM workers have become disillusioned, claiming that the party,
which was built on the support of the mohajir middle class, and
which vowed to struggle against feudalism, the Pajero culture, and
fight against oppression, has actually ended up becoming a part
of that culture. "A few years ago, MQM leaders, ministers,
MNAs, senators and MPAs used to travel on motor-cycles, even on
buses. Now there are lines of brand new cars, mobiles phones and
a whole new change in attitude. It has become a mainstream party
like the PPP or PML," said a disgruntled party member.
Workers
were also shocked over the party's decision to make Altaf Hussain's
father-in-law, Faisal Malik Gabol, an advisor. Tickets were also
allegedly distributed to relatives of some party leaders, while
recently the MQM had also started awarding party tickets to prominent
Urdu-speaking intellectuals and bureaucrats such as Islam Nabi,
Afzal Munif, Jamiluddin Aali, Sardar Ahmed, Asif Ahmed Ali, Saffan
Ali, etc., who not being part of the party's organisational structure
or ideology are totally out of sync with the MQM ethos.
"A few years ago, while I was looking after the MQM's
women's wing, two women activists came to me with a complaint. I
was talking to Altaf Hussain on the telephone at the time. They
expressed a desire to talk to him. As soon as they said "Bhai,"
and before they had even identified themselves, Hussain recognised
them and enquired about their health and their families. The two
immediately forgot their grievances," says former MQM Senator,
Ajmal Dehlavi. Altaf Hussain's greatest strength, says Dehlavi,
is his personal rapport with the MQM's common workers. "Ever
since a few students of the pharmacy department of Karachi University
elected him chief of the All-Pakistan Mohajir Students Organisation
(APMSO) in 1978, he has continued to stay in touch with his party
workers. This is why no one has ever been able to challenge his
leadership," says Dehlavi.
Hussain has also been disappointed with the party's performance
in the last elections, when two of his top leaders, Nasreen Jalil
and Aftab Sheikh, lost to the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal's candidates.
The current dissolution of the coordination committee is the second
since the October elections. In the first reshuffle, Imran Farooq
was suspended and remained under scrutiny for six months. By sacking
the provincial minister for local government, Mohammad Hussain,
suspending Nasreen Jalil for a week, and dissolving the central
co-ordination committee in August, the MQM chief has set the scene
for a major shake-up in the MQM hierarchy. Altaf nominated Dr Imran
Farooq as convenor, and appointed a six-member ad-hoc committee,
excluding stalwarts like Nasreen Jalil, Farooq Sattar and Aftab
Sheikh, replacing them with party workers instead. This decision
was welcomed by thousands of die-hard MQM supporters during a general
workers meeting. Mohammad Hussain was the first official casualty
in the party shake-up and was replaced by another party member,
Wasim Akhtar, who was appointed advisor to the chief minister on
local government. Although no official reason was given, a source
close to the MQM said that the decision was taken on disciplinary
grounds. "Hussain was not following the party line," he
says. "He confronted the city government unnecessarily on certain
issues, which brought a bad name to the party."
According to another inside source, a major shake-up is still
on the cards along with measures to streamline and discipline the
party. These include refresher courses for party workers, particularly
the newcomers; elections for the co-ordination committee, sector
and unit heads; the induction of new members into the party and
the removal of those who do not agree with the party's ideology.
There are strong rumours that those MQM legislators and ministers
who disagree with the party line will be given a choice: shape up
or ship out. The party may not even be left with five deputy convenors.
The appointment of so many convenors was intended to divide the
burden of party work in the absence of Altaf Hussain and Imran Farooq,
but the idea failed to work in practice.
However,
sources maintain that athough there will be more discipline within
the party after the shake-up, there is little chance that it will
be able to revive its mohajir ideology once again. Workers are waiting
to see whether Altaf Hussain will return to Pakistan or send Imran
Farooq or Salim Shahzad, or both, in his place. "Organisational
and structural changes are in the offing, but who will lead the
party in Pakistan is still not clear," says a party veteran.
High on the MQM's agenda is finding those responsible for
the murders of its top leaders and workers since the Musharraf government
assumed power. Prominent among those killed were Khalid bin Walid,
Nishat Mallick and Mustafa Kamal Rizvi. While the MQM has succeeded
in abolishing the "No-go areas" and ended the domination
of its rival, the Mohajir Qaumi Movement or MQM(Haqiqi), it has
failed to secure the expulsion of Haqiqi leaders, Afaq Ahmed and
Aamir Khan, from the country. Amir is in police custody, while Afaq
is still in hiding.
The
MQM's relationships with previous governments has always ended on
a sour note. In 1988, they formed a coalition with the PPP, but
the agreement did not last for more than two years. The MQM then
joined the PML(N) government twice in 1990, but developed serious
differences both times. In notable contrast, however, the MQM's
partnership with the Musharraf regime has been remarkably smooth.
But now cracks are beginning to appear over the issue of the construction
of the Thal Canal and the Kalabagh Dam.
The
million-dollar question now is: can Hussain afford to risk an anti-Sindh
stance if Musharraf decides to go ahead with the Kalabagh Dam or
the Thal Canal project, or will the MQM be forced to cut its ties
with the establishment to retain its vote bank?
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