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Q: How do you view the military's relationship with the
state and society in Pakistan?
A: The people of Pakistan respect their armed forces
as defenders of the geographical borders of Pakistan. However, when
the armed forces intervene in governance they get politicised. The
people do not want the armed forces to play a partisan political
role. They want the armed forces to emerge as a national non-partisan
institution.
The involvement of the
armed forces in civilian administrative posts leads to resentment
among the civil bureaucracy and technocrats. Extra professional
activities like real estate, business and commercial enterprises
also make the armed forces more controversial.
Their commercial profile has attracted adverse comments from within
the country and also from the international community, which is
not good for the armed forces or for the country.
The relationship that I envisage between the military and the state
is one where the military functions under the control of the constitution,
the elected parliament and the political government. This is the
norm in all democratic countries. The military has a key role to
play in defending the motherland, coming to the aid of civil power
for internal duties, in national reconstruction projects as well
as being a part of international peacekeeping.
In my youth we had proud officers and soldiers who laid down their
lives for the country, earning glory for themselves and for our
country. The military lived simple lives, in keeping with the conditions
of a country where poverty is rampant. They had no political or
religious connections. It all changed during the military dictatorship
of General Zia. He introduced the works of Maulana Maudoodi, a religious
leader, to the armed forces. He undermined the army's non-partisan
role by promoting sectariansim and politics.
Q: Given the current geo-strategic situation in the country,
the possibility exists of a combined military-civilian rule. How
will political parties strengthen themselves in this system?
A: The combined military-civilian rule during the
period of General Musharraf and Shaukat Aziz has led to our losing
control of the tribal areas of Pakistan, an armed insurgency in
Balochistan and the spread of militancy to our cities, including
Islamabad.
There is no substitute to a civilian rule in which the military
respects and listens to the civil authority. We need a transition
to civilian leadership. The military will regain its respect, and
the people their democratic rights.
It is all the more important in the present strategic situation
where Pakistan faces the threat of militancy, terrorism and extremism.
Now the military gets blamed for all that goes wrong in the ongoing
war on terror because there is no political cushion to serve as
a shock absorber. When the army acts under civil rule, the adverse
reaction to the political decisions is absorbed by the civilian
government and not by the army as an institution.
The political parties and civil institutions can be strengthened
when there is continuity of political and democratic processes and
respect for the constitution by all state institutions.
Q:
Where have political parties faltered in strengthening themselves
vis-à-vis a political army?
A:
It's difficult for a flower to bloom without water. So too,
it is difficult for political parties to mature in the absence of
democracy. PPP has been kept alive by the blood of its martyrs,
the dedication of its workers and the political awareness of the
discriminated and disempowered masses. I salute them.
Q:
How can political parties and the civil society negotiate with the
military and reduce the military's expanded role in the state and
society?
A:
The army is from among the people. Its role is determined by its
leadership. Army chiefs like General Tikka, General Waheed, General
Asif and General Karamat were good leaders. We need good leadership
to help our army meet the demands of the 21st century and of a democratic
polity.
Army-to-army exchange with foreign countries can also help armed
forces learn from the role of armies in developed societies. It
is the culture of law that we need to build.
Secondly, civil society and political parties must not applaud a
political army. Denial of the oxygen of public applause has a deterrence
value.
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