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Differences
between Al-Qaeda's Arab members and those belonging to the former
Russian states are proving invaluable in the fight against the terrorist
network in Pakistan.
"Some
of our recent major breakthroughs, including the arrest of Abu Faraj
al-Libbi as well as the death of Haitham al-Yemeni in a missile
attack near the Afghan-Pakistan border, were only possible as a
result of information passed on to us by the militants, especially
those of Uzbek descent, who were former members of Al-Qaeda,"
a senior intelligence official told Newsline.
While
the information obtained from these disgruntled elements is not
necessarily enough to point the way directly to the militants, it
is, they assert, always reliable and can be further developed to
lead investigators to their main hideouts.
A
case in point is when intelligence personnel managed to obtain a
mobile phone number of Abu Faraj al-Libbi - purportedly number three
in Al-Qaeda's hierarchy - from these militants. "This was a
crucial nugget of information, the only one in fact, that led us
to him," he said.
Intelligence
officials kept this number under surveillance, listening in to the
Libyan's conversation and tailing him. They heard him inform fellow
militants about his movements in coded language. According to sources,
they raided a house in Mansehra just a week before al-Libbi's arrest
but were unable to capture him then because of operational errors.
As luck would have it however, they managed to intercept another
call from al-Libbi to his fellow militants in which he conveyed
his plans to come to Mardan from where he was finally arrested.
Al-Libbi's capture was soon followed by the death of Haitham
al-Yemeni, a leading al-Qaeda bomb-maker, in the tribal areas.
The
US military decided to strike against al-Yemeni, whom they had been
tracking in the hope that he would lead them to bin Laden, because
they feared he would go into hiding after al-Libbi's arrest. He
was killed by a missile near the Afghan-Pakistan border. Pakistan
has denied that he was killed on its soil, although details of his
death were confirmed by US security officials. The latter also stated
that an Al-Qaeda training camp at Shakai, on the Afghan border,
was destroyed several months earlier after fighters from the former
Soviet territories of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Chechnya revealed
its whereabouts.
The capture of al-Libbi, the death of al-Yemeni and the attack on
a training camp at Shakai illustrate how ethnic fissures are affecting
Al-Qaeda. Evidently, pragmatism has won over idealism, at least
in some instances. Uzbek and other Central Asian extremists, it
is said, are co-operating in return for cash and permission to stay
in Pakistan. While Tahir Yuldashev, who is leading the Islamic Movement
of Uzbekistan (IMU), and some of his associates, are still loyal
to Al-Qaeda, dozens of other Uzbeks have developed differences with
him and launched their own faction of IMU. "The defectors are
in constant touch with Pakistani security agencies as well as US
officials and are assisting us in tracking down these militants,"
said a senior intelligence official.
According
to security personnel, the IMU members developed differences with
Tahir Yuldashev because they disagreed with him on various counts.
First, they had not been in favour of carrying out terrorist activities
on Pakistani soil, while Tahir and his associates harboured plans
of terror attacks against western interests in the country. Sources
maintain that Tahir had, in fact, prepared suicide squads, which
also incidentally included women, towards this end. "They were
unable to carry out the attacks after differences within the IMU
came to the fore," says one official.
Sources described Tahir as a ruthless and single-minded
individual who has no qualms about murdering innocent people and,
apparently, the not-so-innocent as well. "He [Tahir] killed
nearly a dozen of his own Uzbek compatriots after they fell out
with him," another official said. His companions are heavily
involved in drug-trafficking and other criminal activities.
According
to some estimates, between 7,000 to 8,000 immigrants from various
central Asian countries, including Chechens and some 1,500 Uzbeks,
have been settled in Pakistan for over two decades. Although the
tribal areas are home to the vast majority, some are believed to
be in hiding in urban areas of the country, particularly Karachi.
Intelligence personnel
contend that Chechen Al-Qaeda members, who are led by one Daniar,
are cooperating with the government for more or less the same reasons
as the Uzbeks. "The principal bone of contention is their reluctance
to carry out terrorist attacks in Pakistan, while the Arabs are
determined to do otherwise," they said.
According to them, since the operation to flush out foreign militants
from the tribal areas was launched in 2003, the Pakistan government
has been paying hundreds of informers up to 100,000 pounds sterling
a month in this region alone. So far however, they said, they had
achieved little success, managing to arrest only some low-tier militants.
Moreover, the lookouts were never of any help to them beyond the
tribal areas.
This explained why, despite the massive amount of money poured into
human intelligence, conceded the officials, they suffered a large
loss of life during operations in the area, with dozens of army
officials killed in various ambushes. Likewise, they said, dozens
of their informants were killed by the militants.
Having spent years together fighting the Soviets in Afghanistan,
the ties between the Arabs and the Central Asian militants go back
a long way. Al-Qaeda operatives had initially planned to hide bin
Laden, Dr. Al-Zawahiri and other important Al-Qaeda personnel in
the Ferghana valley in Uzbekistan, but had to drop the plan and
consider other alternatives after Djumma Namangani, leader of the
Islamic Union Movement, died while fighting the US soldiers in Kunduz
in November 2001.
Intelligence officials revealed that the opportunity to divide and
rule came to their knowledge when a full-fledged operation was launched
in the lawless tribal zones. "We got the intimation that differences
had developed between these militants and we tried to create further
divisions to our advantage," said an official.
According to him, the two groups fell out after October 2001 when
Arab militants, in the wake of the US bombing of Afghanistan, crossed
over into Pakistan and began to grease the palms of the local tribesmen
to buy their services and seek shelter with them. This created manifold
problems for the Central Asians who had been living in this area
since the '80s. These immigrants, virtually all of whom were militants
on the run from their countries, were themselves heavily dependent
on Arab handouts for their survival and could not match their largesse
towards the tribals. "As a result," says a senior security
official, "local tribesmen began to favour the Arabs while
the Central Asians had to appeal to the Arabs if they wanted any
assistance in the area."
This was the time when Al-Qaeda employed hundreds of local youth
in these tribal areas as guides as well as hosts while they remained
in hiding. "They would pay between 300 to 400 dollars for each
individual they [the tribesmen] led from the Afghan border through
the tribal areas and into Pakistan and another 500 to 1,000 dollars
per month per person to those who provided them safe houses or shelters,"
says an official.
The
major dent within the terror network was exposed when the Pakistan
army launched a major operation in the area. During this period
the Pakistan government announced a scheme whereby all the foreigners
living in the region were asked to register. Failure to comply would
lead to repatriation to their home countries. "The government's
tactic of pressurising these foreigners worked like a charm,"
asserts a source. "They had their differences with the Arabs;
now they had an opportunity to settle the scores with them for taking
over these tribal areas which they had used as their base for over
two decades."
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