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His
looks defy his age. At 80 something, Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti continues
to wield his influence on the country's politics. A seasoned politician
and an influential tribal chief, Bugti has not stepped out of his
native Dera Bugti for the last five years, but he keeps himself
abreast of all political developments through extensive reading.
"I read at least 13 newspapers a day, apart from several periodicals,
and watch television," he says.
Amid
the ongoing 'war of wits' with the government, Newsline had the
chance to pay the Baloch leader a visit at his Dera Bugti headquarters-cum-residence.
And true to his reputation, Bugti did not mince his words as he
held forth on the latest crisis in Sui...
Q: Do
you think the attack on the Sui gas plant in reaction to a lady
doctor's gang rape was justified?
A: The reaction was appropriate and fitting. It was exactly
according to our traditions, culture and social practices. Whenever
a tribe's honour or prestige is at stake, this is the way one should
react. If you read our history, people have given their lives to
protect women, their honour and their livestock.
As
far as your statement that the plant was targeted is concerned,
let me make it clear that the plant was never hit. The issue has
nothing to do with (gas) installations. A few committed this act
(rape). The incident was related to them. However, since they were
inside the installation, a few of the bullets or rockets hit a pipeline.
The government spokesman's claim that the plant was hit is not true.
If you have seen the plant, it is 50 feet high and four to five
hundred metres wide. Even a blind man cannot miss it. If the plant
had been the target, it would have been completely destroyed in
minutes.
Q:
You admit that the reaction was justified. Was there no other way
to vent your anger at the alleged rape? Why was this crucial installation
put in danger?
A: The plant was never targeted by anyone. The reaction
was only to punish those who committed this wild, dirty act. Since
they were within the plant's fence, only their camp was attacked.
The aim was to target Captain Hamaad and his colleagues. The official
version that the plant came under attack has been put out to validate
their military operation. Our history is replete with such fake
justifications and lies to pave the way for action. The Sindhis
should have raised their voice more than us against the rape but
they are, unfortunately, silent.
Q: Why don't you appeal to the Sindhis to raise their
voice? After all the doctor was from Karachi.
A: No Sindhi has raised his voice against the rape.
Sorry to say, I don't appeal to dead people.
Q: Everyone knows the grievances the Bugti tribe holds
against the Sui plant management on the thorny issue of employment
for local people. Do you think the rape case was a pretext to vent
that anger?
A:If the Bugtis wanted to give vent to their anger
in this regard they could have done it in another way. The Bugtis
are not involved in this incident. A shadowy organisation, the Balochistan
Liberation Front, claims to have carried out the attack. They think,
as far as I know, that they are the custodians of Baloch rights,
culture and honour. Whenever there is such a case, it is their first
priority to swing into action. What they did was just that.
Q: In the recent past, the Balochistan Liberation Army
or BLA has claimed responsibility for attacks on military targets
in other parts of the province. Is the Sui incident a similar case?
A: You said BLA. That is a separate organisation.
The BLF, BLA and Balochistan People's Liberation Front are different
groups or organisations. These are three different shadowy organisations.
Whatever they have done in the past is not linked to the Sui attacks.
Q:
This is your domain. The impression is that not a thing can move
here without your consent. So did this violent reaction to an incident
of rape have your support?
A: Whatever name you give to these groups, they are
not under our control. They are not beholden to anyone. Whatever
they do, they do it on their own. They don't ask anyone. Their rank
and file could comprise the Bugtis, Marris, Mengals, Zehris, Jamalis
and even Chief Minister Jam Yusuf's Jamotes. People from Kharan,
Chagai and Makran could be part of it. In short, any Baloch could
be part of it. They are working for Baloch rights. So wherever they
go, they face no problem or resistance and also they don't openly
announce that they are from the BLA or BLF. They say they are guests
and people welcome and feed them. And when they do something good
for the Baloch cause, no one asks them why did you do that. They
are doing the right thing so far.
Q: One of the Bugtis' demands has been to hand over security
jobs at the Sui plant to the locals. On the other hand there is
an impression that the presence of the highly paid Defence Services
Group (DSG), comprising 700 army personnel, is generating hatred
among the locals. Is that true?
A: I want to know which Bugti made this demand and
when? Who said give these jobs to us? However, the Bugtis have been
saying that this is their right. But the government, ironically,
labels them traitors - anti-state elements who can't be trusted.
So how can these jobs be given to us.
Q: The Sui plant has never been targeted, even during
the bloody insurgencies in Balochistan. Why has it happened now?
A:
As I said before, no one targeted the plant; it was only some people
inside it.
Q: Do you think justice will be dispensed in the rape
case?
A: In my opinion, the investigations have made no
progress so far. I read in the newspapers that the provincial government
has set up an inquiry commission comprising a high court judge but
no progress is visible after that. The inquiry into the assassination
of the country's first prime minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, is still
not complete. So what else can you expect.
Q: Do you support the idea of the accused walking on fire
to prove his innocence?
A: I do not have much faith in official inquiries,
but I can't make this demand. People would say an educated man is
talking like this, but my tribesmen are ready for this exercise.
This is how we have been dispensing instant justice in some cases
for centuries.
Q: Are you sure the army will be used against you?
A: I don't know. As they say, no one knows the enemy's
mind. But they are deploying troops in large numbers - almost a
division. You have seen Sui, it is a small place. Even one division
of soldiers is too much. They are, it seems, using a hammer weighing
a ton to kill a fly.
Q: Coming to the general situation in Balochistan, do
you think the parliamentary committee set up to resolve the crisis
in this province will help achieve anything?
A: The committee did some work initially. Nawab Khair
Bux Marri dissociated from this process at the very beginning, while
Sardar Attaullah Mengal's Balochistan National Party decided to
quit it after the arrest of some of their workers and initiation
of cases against them. Now the army is being mobilised against us.
Viewed against this backdrop it becomes a joke. The whole process
is dead.
Q: It seems no one, neither the Baloch nationalists nor
the federal government, are ready to budge from their stated positions.
So, is the situation getting better or worse?
A: Can't say. At the moment, war is being imposed
on us. If someone survives it, then we will see. General Sahib (Pervez
Musharraf) has promised to hit us in such a way that we will not
know what hit us. In one sense it is quick death that he is promising
us. They could do this to a few Baloch leaders, but not the whole
Baloch nation.
Q: What steps, in your view, can ensure security of the
plant in the future?
A:For over 50 years, we have been the Sui gas plant's
guards. We have been protecting it. We're not its enemy. How can
we damage it?
Q: How justified are the locals in demanding more jobs
at the Sui field?
A: They continue to bring in people from outside.
They're taking away food from the local people's mouth. This is
unacceptable. They're promoting to ensure jobs for the locals in
Gwadar. But people have the example of Sui before them. That's why
no one trusts them. The government had promised that all jobs that
the locals could do would be given to them. We've signed documents
about these commitments. Now people are being brought in, even for
unskilled labour. After 50 years of continuous struggle, only a
52 per cent figure of employment has been achieved for the unskilled
local population. What sort of justice is this?
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