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President
General Pervez Musharraf believes he is driven by destiny. This
is perhaps why after having experienced firsthand the thrill of
total power at home, and the constant limelight of the international
media, he is now staking claims to becoming a leader of the Muslim
world. The ambition is still inchoate; its expression subdued. But
those close to him see unmistakable signs of the birth of a desire
to be a bigger player, a global leader.
They say that his idiom and ideas have both become grandiose.
That he sees himself in a different league, a league of frontline
leaders of the world. And this, they say, is a new addition to his
oft-repeated belief that he is the best salesperson Pakistan has.
The
OIC summit in Malaysia gave President Musharraf another opportunity
to hold forth on his grand vision. In his speech he unfurled a view
that was transnational, big on the theme of the Muslim Ummah being
in dire need of rescue and rehabilitation. At the end of the conference
he was self-congratulatory, proudly claiming that the OIC's acceptance
of Pakistan's proposal for restructuring the organisation was a
diplomatic gain for the country.
Preceding the OIC performance was General Musharraf's theory
that the road to the Islamic world's salvation lies in "moderate
enlightenment" - a suggestion that the Muslim world needs to
pursue the path of moderation and enlightenment to come out of its
present impasse.
In
recent times, General Musharraf has spoken openly against militancy,
sectarianism, benighted mullaism, and other ailments of misapplied
faith. Mix this with his generally secular take on life and the
result is fairly interesting: a powerful military leader, propounding
a moderate vision for a world of Islam locked in a multiple crisis
of confidence and future direction.
Recent developments on the international front may also be
stoking General Musharraf's ambition to speak from a pedestal higher
than that of a national leader. The Islamic world's traditional
pillars of leadership have all but collapsed. The House of Saud
is shaking like the proverbial house of cards. As the momentum builds
in the US - the Saudis' diplomatic life-support - against the status
quo in the Middle East and in favour of democracy, the rulers of
Mecca and Madina are too consumed by the battle for survival to
think of the challenges confronting the Muslim Ummah.
Elsewhere, the picture is just as grim. Saddam Hussein is
no more, Syria and Libya are on a weak wicket and Iran totally taken
up by the growing international pressure on its nuclear programme.
The
parts of the Islamic world that have traditionally been the source
of leadership are in a tailspin. There are no leaders to be found.
Mahatir Muhammad of Malaysia is controversial, radical and,
in any case, phasing himself out of his present role. Hosni Mubarak
of Egypt has been tainted with the Israel deal and Turkey is too
Eurocentric. If General Musharraf looks around in his near and distant
diplomatic neighbourhood, he does not see too many towering personalities.
There are none. None, at any rate who represent a significant militarily
potent Muslim country, with exceptional geographical location, and
at the same time acceptable to the west (read the US).
But General Musharraf's path (or ambition) to reach the
pinnacle of the Islamic world's leadership is strewn with treacherous
faultlines. And these start from home. He is not a leader who is
ruling Pakistan by consensus. His power still flows from the barrel
of the military's guns and the political chessboard he is playing
on is tricky. The issue of the legitimacy of his rule has not gone
away; nor has the power of the opposition weakened in any significant
measure, even though the pro-Musharraf government has completed
a jejune, ineffectual year in power.
Musharraf cannot be a credible leader at the international
level if the domestic ground he stands on is built of sand. Abroad,
too, he is not a universal hero. There are lobbies at work, constantly
reminding the international community of his Kargil misadventure,
and his initially vibrant defence of the concept of jihad - anathema
to the neo-cons of the world.
But their praise is
always qualified. There are always reservations: "He is, after
all, a military ruler." Even worse, "does he have full
control of his own institution" and "can he make good
on his promises?"
Then his friends are not the blindly trusting type either.
They acknowledge his many goods deeds: timely help (U-turn is the
word Musharraf's critics use) in the war against the Taliban; the
fight against al-Qaeda and capture of some of its top leaders; seemingly
firm action against militant organisations at home; slow, sometimes
painfully slow, but steady show of flexibility towards India and
positive engagement with Hamid Karzai's Northern Alliance-infested
regime in Kabul.
Then
there are new demands that are expected to be met every time these
are made. These days, the most pressing one is to contribute 10,000
troops to Iraq. Diplomats in Islamabad say that the whole idea behind
getting a new United Nations Security Council resolution on Iraq
was to get some support on the ground. After the financial commitments
made at the Madrid meeting of donors, the next issue is that of
assembling an international force. Pakistan, say diplomats, will
again be confronted with a renewed US demand to deliver. They also
say that there will be strains and consequences, if it does not
- many of these might be for Musharraf, personally. After all, they
say, Musharraf is a US-friendly general ruling Pakistan, and he
is not much of a friend if he does not support Washington when support
is needed the most.
General Musharraf does not like being called US-friendly.
It hurts his pride and belittles the international image and presence
that he is carefully cultivating. But the reality is harsh and it
cuts through ambition like a knife through butter. The lead role
that General Musharraf has on the global stage is not because he
is destiny's child born to glory; it is because of the tactical
adjustments that he has made so far. This makes him a good tactician,
but not a strategic visionary - the quality that enables leaders
to have a real and lasting impact on the world stage.
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